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Chalukya dynasty

The Chalukya dynasty was a Classical Indian dynasty that ruled large parts of southern and central India between the 6th and the 12th centuries. During this period, they ruled as three related yet individual dynasties. The earliest dynasty, known as the “Badami Chalukyas”, ruled from Vatapi (modern Badami) from the middle of the 6th century. The Badami Chalukyas began to assert their independence at the decline of the Kadamba kingdom of Banavasi and rapidly rose to prominence during the reign of Pulakeshin II. After the death of Pulakeshin II, the Eastern Chalukyas became an independent kingdom in the eastern Deccan. They ruled from Vengi until about the 11th century. In the western Deccan, the rise of the Rashtrakutas in the middle of the 8th century eclipsed the Chalukyas of Badami before being revived by their descendants, the Western Chalukyas, in the late 10th century. These Western Chalukyas ruled from Kalyani (modern Basavakalyan) until the end of the 12th century.

The rule of the Chalukyas marks an important milestone in the history of South India and a golden age in the history of Karnataka. The political atmosphere in South India shifted from smaller kingdoms to large empires with the ascendancy of Badami Chalukyas. A Southern India-based kingdom took control and consolidated the entire region between the Kaveri and the Narmada rivers. The rise of this empire saw the birth of efficient administration, overseas trade and commerce and the development of new style of architecture called “Chalukyan architecture”. Kannada literature, which had enjoyed royal support in the 9th century Rashtrakuta court found eager patronage from the Western Chalukyas in the Jain and Veerashaiva traditions. The 11th century saw the patronage of Telugu literature under the Eastern Chalukyas.

The earliest writer on the Solaṅkis, the learned Jain priest Hemachandra (a.d. 1089–1173), in his work called the Dvyáśraya, has given a fairly full and correct account of the dynasty up to Siddharája (a.d. 1143). The work is said to have been begun by Hemachandra about a.d. 1160, and to have been finished and revised by another Jain monk named Abhayatilakagaṇi in a.d. 1255. The last chapter which is in Prakrit deals solely with king Kumárapála. This work is a grammar rather than a chronicle, still, though it has little reference to dates, it is a good collection of tales and descriptions. For chronology the best guide is the Vicháraśreṇi which its author has taken pains to make the chief authority in dates. The Vicháraśreṇi was written by Merutuṇga about a.d. 1314, some time after he wrote the Prabandhachintámaṇi.

According to the Vicháraśreṇi after the Chávaḍás, in a.d. 961 (Vaishakh Suddha 1017), began the reign of Múlarája the son of a daughter of the last Chávaḍá ruler.

Origin and Early History:

Chalukya were Gurjar emperors, who received titles like Satyashraya, Sriprithvivallabh, Parameshwara Parambhattaraka, is considered a great ruler in Indian history. Historians believe that due to the disintegration of Hun Gurjaras, Chalukya, Pratihara, Chauhan, Tanwar, Chechi, Solanki, Chap or Chaprana, Chavda etc. dynasties and new dynasties like
Maitrak, Gehlot, Parmar, Hindushahi Khatana, Bhati etc. take. The Chalukya dynasty is also considered a branch of the Gurjara Huna dynasty.
The Chalukya Empire was first addressed to Gurjaratra, Gurjarat, Gurjarashtra and Gurjar Desh, which is a great proof of their being Gurjar. Vishnuvardhana laid the foundation of Chalukya dynasty. Pulakeshin Chalukya also proved to be the greatest ruler of this dynasty. Both Pulakeshin and Harshavardhana were contemporaries, were great emperors, were warriors, were just, generous, Prajavatsal rulers. Both are considered equal. While Harshavardhana was the only king of northern India, Pulakeshin was the Gurjar emperor of northwestern and southern India. The capital of the Gurjara Chalukya dynasty was Badami in Andhra Pradesh. The Chalukya Gurjars used to address themselves to Gurjar Emperor, Gurjaradhiraja, Gurjara Narpati, Gurjarendra and Gurjar Naresh. If the kings belonged to Andhra Pradesh, they could have written Andhrapati or Andhra king. Their royal mark was Varaha, which was also the royal mark of Gurjar Huns and Gurjar Pratiharas. Their coins are copies of Huna coins , which is identified as gurjar sub tribe. . 
The Gurjara emperor Pulakeshin was the son of Chalukya emperor Kirtivarman. To become the king, he also had a dispute with his uncle emperor Mangalesh because after the death of Kirtivarman, the responsibility of protecting the short-lived Pulakeshin was entrusted to uncle Mangalesh. Mangalesh himself wanted to sit on the throne, was killed in this dispute. The Chalukya Empire was the largest state of the Gurjara Mandal. In this Gurjar Republic or Mandal, many Gurjar states like Maitraka, Chap or Chavda, Pratihar etc. of Gurjars lived together.

Pulakeshin’s real name was Areya, at the time of his ascension the name was changed to Pulakeshin II. His reign is believed to be from 609 AD to 642 AD. He started expanding the boundaries of Gurjaratra by winning Lat, Saurashtra. By defeating the Maurya, Pallava, Ganga, Chola, Kadamba dynasties of Konkan. The Gurjaratra kingdom was raised in the whole of southern India.The greatest achievement of the Gurjara emperor Pulakeshin Chalukya was to defeat the majestic emperor Harshavardhana of Kannauj in the Narmada basin. Thus he stopped the victories of Emperor Harshavardhana. This war was fought by the entire Gurjaratra in which many Gurjar kings were involved.

After this war, the Gurjar emperor Pulakeshin assumed the title of Parameshwara. Harshavardhana was called Uttarpatheshwar because of being the lord of Uttarpatha and Pulakeshin was called Dakshinapatheshwara because of being the lord of Dakshinapatha after defeating Harshavardhana. At the same time, the Chinese traveler Hiuensang comes to India, he greatly admires the Gurjar emperor Pulakeshin and describes Harshavardhana and Pulakeshin as equal rulers. He writes that Pulakeshin is a just, protector of all religions, liberal, intelligent, prajavatsal and a devout ruler of Kalava literature.

List of rulers

The Chalukya rulers of Gujarat, with approximate dates of reign, are as follows

Múlarája, a.d. 961–996.

The Sukṛitasankírtana says that the last Chávaḍá king Bhúbhaṭa was succeeded by his sister’s son Múlarája. Of the family or country of Múlarája’s father no details are given.The Prabandhachintámaṇi calls Múlarája the sister’s son of Sámantasiṃha and gives the following details. In a.d. 930 of the family of Bhuiyaḍa (who destroyed Jayaśekhara) were three brothers Ráji, Bija, and Daṇḍaka, who stopped at Aṇahilaváḍa on their way back from a pilgrimage to Somanátha in the guise of Kárpaṭika or Kápdi beggars. The three brothers attended a cavalry parade held by king Sámantasiṃha. An objection taken by Ráji to some of the cavalry movements pleased Sámantasiṃha, who, taking him to be the scion of some noble family, gave him his sister Líládeví in marriage. Líládeví died pregnant and the child, which was taken alive from its dead mother’s womb was called Múlarája, because the operation was performed when the Múla constellation was in power. Múlarája grew into an able and popular prince and helped to extend the kingdom of his maternal uncle. In a fit of intoxication Sámantasiṃha ordered Múlarája to be placed on the throne. He afterwards cancelled the grant. But Múlarája contended that a king once installed could not be degraded. He collected troops defeated and slew his uncle and succeeded to the throne in a.d. 942 (S. 998). The main facts of this tale, that Múlarája’s father was one Ráji of the Chálukya family, that his mother was a Chávaḍá. princess, and that he came to the Chávaḍá throne by killing his maternal uncle, appear to be true. That Múlarája’s father’s name was Ráji is proved by Dr. Bühler’s copperplate of Múlarája. Merutuṅga’s details that Ráji came in disguise to Aṇahilaváḍa, took the fancy of 
Sámantasiṃha, and received his sister in marriage seem fictions in the style common in the bardic praises of Rájput princes. Dr. Bühler’s copperplate further disproves the story as it calls Múlarája the son of the illustrious Ráji, the great king of kings Mahárájádhirája, a title which would not be given to a wandering prince. Ráji appears to have been of almost equal rank with the Chávaḍás. The Ratnamálá calls Ráji fifth in descent from Bhuvaḍa, his four predecessors being Karṇáditya, Chándráditya, Somáditya, and Bhuvanáditya. But the Ratnamálá list is on the face of it wrong, as it gives five instead of seven or eight kings to fill the space of over 200 years between Jayaśekhara and Múlarája. Most Jain chroniclers begin the history of Aṇahilaváḍa with Múlarája who with the Jains is the glory of the dynasty. After taking the small Chávaḍá kingdom Múlarája spread his power in all directions, overrunning Káthiáváḍa and Kacch on the west, and fighting Bárappa of Láṭa or South Gujarát on the south, and Vigraharája king of Ajmir on the north. The 
Ajmir kings were called Sapádalaksha. Why they were so called is not known. This much is certain that Sapádalaksha is the Sanskrit form of the modern Sewálik. It would seem that the Choháns, whom the Gujarát Jain chroniclers call 
Sapádalakshíya, must have come to Gujarát from the Sewálik hills. After leaving the Sewálik hills the capital was at Ajmir, which is usually said to have been first fortified by the Chohán king Ajayapála (a.d. 1174–1177).

This story seems invented by the Choháns. The name Ajmir appears to be derived from the Mehrs who were in power in these parts between the fifth and the eighth centuries. The Hammíramahákávya begins the Chohán genealogy with Vásudeva (a.d. 780) and states that Vásudeva’s fourth successor Ajayapála established the hill fort of Ajmir. About this time (a.d. 840) the Choháns seem to have made settlements in the Ajmir country and to have harassed Gujarát. 
Vigraharája the tenth in succession from Vásudeva is described as killing Múlarája and weakening the Gurjjara country. The author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi gives the following details. The Sapádalaksha or Ajmir king entered Gujarát to attack Múlarája and at the same time from the south Múlarája’s territory was invaded by Bárappa a general of king 
Tailapa of Telingána. Unable to face both enemies Múlarája at his minister’s advice retired to Kanthádurga apparently Kanthkot in Cutch. He remained there till the Navarátra or Nine-Night festival at the close of the rains when he expected the Sapádalaksha king would have to return to Ajmir to worship the goddess Śákambharí when Bárappa would be left alone. At the close of the rains the Sapádalaksha king fixed his camp near a place called Śákambharí and bringing the goddess Śákambharí there held the Nine-Night festival. This device disappointed Múlarája. He sent for his sámantas or nobles and gave them presents. He told them his plans and called on them to support him in attacking the Sapádalaksha king. Múlarája then mounted a female elephant with no attendant but the driver and in the evening came suddenly to the Ajmir camp. He dismounted and holding a drawn sword in his hand said to the doorkeeper ‘What is your king doing. Go and tell your lord that Múlarája waits at his door.’ While the attendant was on his way to give the message, Múlarája pushed him on one side and himself went into the presence. The doorkeeper called ‘Here comes Múlarája.’ Before he could be stopped Múlarája forced his way in and took his seat on the throne. The Ajmir king in consternation asked ‘Are you Múlarája?’ Múlarája answered ‘I would regard him as a brave king who would meet me face to face in battle. While I was thinking no such brave enemy exists, you have arrived. I ask no better fortune than to fight with you. But as soon as you are come, like a bee falling in at dinner time, Bárappa the general of king Tailapa of Telingana has arrived to attack me. While I am punishing him you should keep quiet and not give me a side blow.’ The Ajmir king said, ‘Though you are a king, you have come here alone like a foot soldier, not caring for your safety. I will be your ally for life.’ Múlarája replied ‘Say not so.’ He refused the Rája’s invitation to dine, and leaving 
sword in hand mounted his elephant and with his nobles attacked the camp of Bárappa. Bárappa was killed and eighteen of his elephants and 10,000 of his horses fell into Múlarája’s hands. While returning with the spoil Múlarája 
received news that the Sapádalaksha king had fled. 

This story of the author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi differs from that given by the author of the Hammírakávya who describes Múlarája as defeated and slain. The truth seems to be that the Ajmír king defeated Múlarája and on Múlarája’s submission did not press his 
advantage. In these circumstances Múlarája’s victory over Bárappa seems improbable. The Dvyáśraya devotes seventy-five verses (27–101) of its sixth chapter to the contest between Bárappa and Múlarája. The details may be thus summarised. Once when Múlarája received presents from various Indian kings Dvárappa king of Láṭadeśa sent an ill-omened elephant. The marks being examined by royal officers and by prince Chámuṇḍa, they decided the elephant would bring destruction on the king who kept him. The elephant was sent back in disgrace and Múlarája and his son started with an army to attack Láṭadeśa and avenge the insult. In his march Múlarája first came to the Śvabhravatí or Sábarmatí which formed the boundary of his kingdom, frightening the people. From the Sábarmatí he advanced to the ancient Purí where also the people became confused. The Láṭa king prepared for fight, and was slain by Chámuṇḍa in single combat. Múlarája advanced to Broach where Bárappa who was assisted by the island kings opposed him. Chámuṇḍa overcame them and slew Bárappa. After this success Múlarája and Chámuṇḍa returned to Aṇahilapura. 

The Dvyáśraya styles Bárappa king of Láṭadeśa; the Prabandhachintámaṇi calls him a general of Tailapa king of Telingána; the Sukṛitasankírtana a general of the Kanyákubja king; and the Kírtikaumudí a general of the Lord of Láṭa. Other evidence proves that at the time of Múlarája a Chaulukya king named Bárappa did reign in Láṭadeśa. The Surat grant of Kírtirája grandson of Bárappa is dated a.d. 1018 (Śaka 940). This, taking twenty years to a king, brings Bárappa’s date to a.d. 978 (Śaka 900), a year which falls in the reign of Múlarája (a.d. 961–996; Ś. 1027–1053). The statement in the Prabandhachintámaṇi that Bárappa was a general of Tailapa seems correct. The southern form of the name Bárappa supports the statement. And as Tailapa overthrew the Ráshṭrakúṭas in a.d. 972 (Śaka 894) he might well place a general in military charge of Láṭa, and allow him practical independence. This would explain why the Dvyáśraya calls Bárappa king of Láṭadeśa and why the Kírtikaumudí calls him general of the Lord of Láṭa.

One of Múlarája’s earliest wars was with Graharipu the Ábhíra or Chúḍásamá ruler of Sorath. According to Múlarája’s bards, the cause of war was Graharipu’s oppression of pilgrims to Prabhása. Graharipu’s capital was Vámanasthalí, the modern Vanthalí nine miles west of Junágaḍh, and the fort of Durgapalli which Graharipu is said to have established must be Junágaḍh itself which was not then a capital. Graharipu is described as a cow-eating Mlechha and a grievous tyrant. He is said to have had much influence over Lákhá son of king Phula of Kacch and to  have been helped by Turks and other Mlechhas. When Múlarája reached the Jambumáli river, he was met by Graharipu and his army. With Graharipu was Lákhá of Kacch, the king of Sindh probably a Sumrá, Mewás Bhilas, and the sons of Graharipu’s wife Nílí who had been summoned from near the Bhadar river by a message in the Yavana language. With Múlarája were the kings of Śiláprastha, of Márwár, of Kásí, of Arbuda or Abu, and of Śrímála or Bhínmál. Múlarája had also his own younger brother Gangámah, his friend king  Revatímitra, and Bhils. It is specially mentioned that in this expedition 
Múlarája received no help from the sons of his paternal uncles Bíja and Dandaka. The fight ended in Graharipu being made prisoner by Múlarája, and in Lákhá being slain with a spear. After the victory Múlarája went to Prabhása, 
worshipped the liṅga, and returned to Aṇahilaváḍa with his army and 108 elephants. 

According to the author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi Lákhá met his death in a different contest with Múlarája. 
Lákhá who is described as the son of Phuladá, and Kámalatá daughter of Kírttirája a Parmár king, is said to have been invincible because he was under the protection of king Yaśovarman of Málwa. He defeated Múlarája’s army eleven times. In a twelfth encounter Múlarája besieged Lákhá in Kapilakot, slew him in single combat, and trod on his flowing beard. Enraged at this insult to her dead son Lákhá’s mother called down on Múlarája’s descendants the curse of the 
spider poison that is of leprosy. 

Mr. Forbes, apparently from bardic sources, states that on his wife’s death Ráji the father of Múlarája went to the temple of Vishṇu at Dwárká. On his return he visited the court of Lákhá Phuláni and espoused Lákhá’s sister Ráyáji by whom he had a son named Rákháich. This marriage proved the ruin of Ráji. In a dispute about precedence Lákhá slew 
Ráji and many of his Rájput followers, his wife Ráyáji becoming a Satí. Bíja the uncle of Múlarája urged his nephew to avenge his father’s death and Múlarája was further incited against Lákhá because Lákhá harboured Rákháich the 
younger son of Ráji at his court as a rival to Múlarája. 

According to the Dvyáśraya, either from the rising power of his son or from repentance for his own rough acts, after Chámuṇḍa’s victory over Bárappa Múlarája installed him as ruler and devoted himself to religion and charity. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi Múlarája built in Aṇahilaváḍa a Jain temple named Múlavasatiká. But as the Nandi symbol on his copperplate shows that Múlarája was a devoted Śaivite, it is possible that this temple was built by some Jain guild or community and named after the reigning chief. Múlarája built a Mahádeva temple called Múlasvámi in Aṇahilaváḍa, and, in honour of Somanátha, he built the temple of Muleśvara at Maṇḍali-nagara where he went at the bidding of the god.
He also built at Aṇahilaváḍa a temple of Mahádeva called Tripurushaprásáda on a site to which the tradition attaches that seeing Múlarája daily visiting the temple of Múlanáthadeva at Maṇḍali, Somanátha Mahádeva being greatly pleased promised to bring the ocean to Aṇahilaváḍa. Somanátha came, and the ocean accompanying the god certain ponds became brackish. In honour of these salt pools Múlarája built the Tripurushaprásáda. Looking for some one to 
place in charge of this temple, Múlarája heard of an ascetic named Kaṇthadi at Siddhapura on the banks of the Sarasvatí who used to fast every other day and on the intervening day lived on five morsels of food. Múlarája offered this sage the charge of the temple. The sage declined saying ‘Authority is the surest path to hell.’ Eventually Vayajalladeva a disciple of the sage undertook the management on certain conditions. Múlarája passed most of his days at the holy shrine of Siddhapura, the modern Sidhpur on the Sarasvatí about fifteen miles north-east of Aṇahilaváḍa. At Sidhpur Múlarája made many grants to Bráhmans. Several branches of Gujarát Bráhmans, Audíchyas Śrígauḍas and Kanojias, trace their origin in Gujarát to an invitation from Múlarája to Siddhapura and the local Puráṇas and Máhátmyas confirm the story. As the term Audíchya means Northerner Múlarája may have invited Bráhmans from some such holy place as Kurukshetra which the Audíchyas claim as their home. From Kanyákubja in the Madhyadeśa between the Ganges and the Yamuná another equally holy place the Kanojías may have been invited. The Śrí Gauḍas appear to have come from Bengal and Tirhut. Gauḍa and Tirhut Bráhmans are noted Tántriks and Mantrasástris a branch of learning for which both the people and the rulers of Gujarát have a great fondness. Grants of villages were made to these Bráhmans. Sidhpur was given to the Audíchyas, Siṃhapura or Sihor in Káthiáváḍa to some other colony, and Stambhatírtha or Cambay to the Śrí Gauḍas. At Siddhapura Múlarája built the famous temple called the Rudramahálaya or the great shrine of Rudra. According to tradition Múlarája did not complete the Rudramahálaya and 
Siddharája finished it. In spite of this tradition it does not appear that Múlarája died leaving the great temple unfinished as a copperplate of a.d. 987 (S. 1043) records that Múlarája made the grant after worshipping the god of the Rudramahálaya on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth of the dark half of Mágha. It would seem therefore that Múlarája built one large Rudramahálaya which Siddharája may have repaired or enlarged. Múlarája is said while still in health to have mounted the funeral pile, an act which some writers trace to remorse and others to unknown political reasons. The Vicháraśreṇi gives the length of Múlarája’s reign at thirty-five years a.d. 961–996 (S. 1017–1052); the Prabandhachintámaṇi begins the reign at a.d. 942 (S. 998) and ends it at a.d. 997 (S. 1053) that is a length of fifty-five years. Of the two, thirty-five years seems the more probable, as, if the traditional accounts are correct, Múlarája can scarcely have been a young man when he overthrew his uncle’s power. 

Chámuṇḍa, a.d. 997–1010.

Chamundaraja was the son of the Chaulukya king Mularaja. Inscriptions recording grants made by him as a prince are dated as early as 976 CE, although he ascended the throne much later, sometime during 996-997 CE. The Vastupala-Tejapala prashasti includes conventional praise for Chamundaraja, boasting that he decorated the earth with the heads of his enemies, but does not name any specific enemies. According to the 12th century Jain author Hemachandra, Chamundaraja defeated the Lata Chalukya chief Barapa, although other chroniclers attribute this victory to his father Mularaja. Therefore, it appears that Chamundaraja participated in the war against Barappa as a prince. According to the 12th century Vadnagar prashasti inscription, a king named Sindhuraja fled with his elephant forces when he saw 
Chamundaraja’s army at a distance, thus losing his well-established fame. This king can be identified with Sindhuraja, the Paramara king of Gujarat’s neighbour Malwa. According to Sindhuraja’s court poet Padmagupta, the Paramara 
king defeated the rulers of Vagada and Lata, which bordered Chamundaraja’s kingdom. It is possible that the ruler of Lata was a vassal of Chamundaraja atthis time. Accordingly, Chamundaraja came to the rescue of his vassal, forcing 
Sindhuraja to retreat. The 14th century Jain chronicler Jayasimha Suri claims that Chamundaraja killed Sindhuraja in a battle. However, this claim doesn’t appear in the earlier sources, and therefore, cannot be taken literally. The Chalukyas of Kalyani captured the Lata region during Chamundaraja’s reign. The 1007 CE Lakkundi inscription mentions that the 
Kalyani Chalukya ruler Satyashraya had returned from a successful campaign in the Gurjara country. The Kalyani Chalukya poet Ranna also states that Satyashraya defeated the Gurjaras with an elephant force. One theory is that 
the “Gurjara” ruler defeated by Satyashraya in this particular campaign was Chamundaraja. However, there is no direct evidence to support this identification. It is possible that the ruler defeated by Satyashraya was the Lata Chalukya ruler Barapa or an obscure descendant of the Gurjaras of Nandipuri. 

Hemachandra states that Chamundaraja had three sons: Durlabha-raja, Naga-raja, and Vallabha-raja. Abhayatilaka Gani, who wrote a commentary on Hemachandra’s work in the 13th century, states that Chamundaraja became licentious, because of which his sister Vachinidevi placed his son Vallabha on the throne.It is not clear how Vachinidevi became powerful enough to replace a ruling king with another.

According to Hemachandra, Chamundaraja left for a pilgrimage to Varanasi after his retirement. During this journey, his royal umbrella was confiscated (presumably, by the ruler of a kingdom lying on the way; identified as Malwa by some later chroniclers). As a result, he returned to Gujarat, and asked Vallabha to avenge this insult. However, Vallabha died of smallpox during a march, and Durlabha became the new Chaulukya king. Chamundaraja then retired to Shuklatirtha (modern Shuklatirth) on the banks of Narmada, where he died.


Vallabharaja (c. 1008-1010)

Vallabha was a son of his predecessor,Chamundaraja. According to the 13th Jain scholar Abhayatilaka Gani, when
Chamundaraja became incapable of governing the kingdom, his sister Vachinidevi appointed Vallabha as the new king. The 14th century writer Merutunga, on the other hand, claims that Vallabha ascended the throne after his father’s death, and ruled for six months. 

Some of the Chaulukya inscriptions omit his name in the genealogical lists, probably because of his short reign. However, most inscriptions (including the Vadnagar prashasti) mention him as the successor of Chamundaraja. The 12th century Jain scholar Hemachandra composed a benedictory verse devoted to him. Such verses were composed only for the Chaulukya kings, which indicates that Vallabha did indeed rule as a king, although for a very brief period.

According to the later Jain chronicles, Durlabharaja marched against a kingdom, because its ruler had insulted his 
father Chamundaraja. However, he died of smallpox during this march. Some of these chronicles identify the enemy kingdom as Malwa, which was ruled by the Paramaras.

The 12th century writer Hemachandra states that Chamundaraja left for a pilgrimage to Varanasi after his retirement. On the way, his royal umbrella was confiscated (presumably, by the ruler of a kingdom located on the way). He returned to Gujarat, and asked Vallabha to avenge this insult.The 14th century writer Merutunga mentions the same incident, but replaces Chamunda with Durlabha, and Vallabha with Bhima I. Merutunga’s version is known to have historical inaccuracies.

The 12th century Vadnagar prashasti inscription states that the kings of Malwa were shaken when they heard about Vallabha’s marches. It does not state that he actually reached Malwa. The 13th century writer Abhayatilaka Gani, who wrote a commentary on Hemachandra’s work, states that Malwa was the kingdom against which Vallabha marched to avenge the insult against Chamundaraja. However, his conclusion was based on a particular verse in which Hemachandra states that Vallabha passed by the confluence of the Para and the Sindhu rivers. According to the 12th century text Sarasvati-Kanthabharana, the country where these two rivers met was ruled by the Naga kings. Historian 
A. K. Majumdar speculates that Vallabha died not during a march against Malwa, but during a march to a northern kingdom, where he intended to secure allies for his upcoming campaign against Malwa.

The 14th century writer Merutunga embellishes the earlier accounts by claiming that Vallabha not only reached Malwa, but also besieged the Paramara capital Dhara. The later writer Jayasimha Suri states that the king against whom Vallabha marched was Munja. These accounts by the later writers are not historically accurate. For example, it is known that 
Munja died in the 990s, around a decade before the said march, which took place around 1008 CE. Hemachandra’s Dvyashraya makes it clear the Vallabha died before achieving any tangible success in the campaign.Some other works written under Chaulukya patronage, such as Sukrita Sankirtana by Arisimha and Sukrita-Kirti-Kallolini by Udayaprabha, claim that Vallabha defeated the king of Malwa. These claims are not supported by any historical evidence either. 
Only the fact that Vallabha marched against Malwa appears to be historically true.

Vallabha suffered from a severe disease during the march, and asked his army to return to the Chaulukya capital. Hemachandra does not name this disease, but describes the symptoms of the disease from which Vallabha died. Based on these, Abhayatilaka Gani correctly identified the disease as smallpox.

After Vallabha’s death, his brother Durlabharaja ascended the throne. 


Durlabha, a.d. 1010–1022.

Durlabha whom the Sukṛitasankírtana also calls Jagatjhampaka or World Guardian came to the throne in a.d. 1010 .The 
Prabandhachintámaṇi gives the length of his reign at eleven years and six months while the Vicháraśreṇi makes it twelve years closing it in a.d. 1022 .The author of the Dvyáśraya says that along with his brother Nága Rája, Durlabha attended the Svayaṃvara or bridegroom-choosing of Durlabha Deví the sister of Mahendra the Rája of Nadol in Márwár. The kings of Aṅga, Kásí, Avantí, Chedí, Kuru, Húṇa, Mathurá, Vindhya, and Andhra were also present. The princess chose Durlabha and Mahendra gave his younger sister Lakshmí to Durlabha’s brother Nága Rája. The princess’ choice of Durlabha drew on him the enmity of certain of the other kings all of whom he defeated. The brothers then returned to Aṇahilaváḍa where Durlabha built a lake called Durlabhasarovara. The author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi says that Durlabha gave up the kingdom to his son (?) Bhíma. He also states that Durlabha went on pilgrimage and was insulted on the way by Muñja king of Málwa. This seems the same tale which the Dvyáśraya tells of Chámuṇḍa. Since Muñja cannot have been a cotemporary of Durlabha the Dvyáśraya’s account seems correct. 

Bhíma I. a.d. 1022–1064.

Durlabha was succeeded by his nephew Bhíma the son of Durlabha’s younger brother Nága Rája. The author of the Dvyáśraya says that Durlabha wishing to retire from the world offered the kingdom to his nephew Bhíma; that Bhíma declined in favour of his father Nága Rája; that Nága Rája refused; that Durlabha and Nága Rája persuaded Bhíma to take the government; and that after installing Bhíma the two brothers died together. Such a voluntary double death sounds unlikely unless the result was due to the machinations of Bhíma. The Prabandhachintámaṇi gives Bhíma a reign of fifty-two years from a.d. 1022 to 1074 (S. 1078–1130), while the Vicháraśreṇi reduces his reign to forty-two years placing its close in a.d. 1064 (S. 1120). Two copperplates of Bhíma are available one dated a.d. 1030  eight or nine 
years after he came to the throne, the other from Kacch in a.d. 1037 . Bhíma seems to have been more powerful than 
either of his predecessors. According to the Dvyáśraya his two chief enemies were the kings of Sindh and of Chedí or Bundelkhand. He led a victorious expedition against Hammuka the king of Sindh, who had conquered the king of 
Sivasána and another against Karṇa king of Chedí who paid tribute and submitted. The Prabandhachintámaṇi has a verse, apparently an old verse interpolated, which says that on the Málwa king Bhoja’s death, while sacking  Dhárápuri, Karṇa took Bhíma as his coadjutor, and that afterwards Bhíma’s general Dámara took Karṇa captive and won from him a gold maṇḍapiká or canopy and images of Ganeśa and Nílakaṇṭheśvara Mahádeva. Bhíma is said to have presented the canopy to Somanátha.

When Bhíma was engaged against the king of Sindh, Kulachandra the general of the Málwa king Bhoja with all the Málwa feudatories, invaded Aṇahilaváḍa, sacked the city, and sowed shell-money at the gate where the time-marking gong was sounded. So great was the loss that the ‘sacking of Kulachandra’ has passed into a proverb. Kulachandra also took from Aṇahilaváḍa an acknowledgment of victory or jayapatra. On his return Bhoja received Kulachandra with honour but blamed him for not sowing salt instead of shell-money. He said the shell-money is an omen that the wealth of Málwa will flow to Gujarát. An unpublished inscription of Bhoja’s successor Udayáditya in a temple at Udepur near Bhilsá confirms the above stating that Bhíma was conquered by Bhoja’s officers. The Solaṅki kings of Aṇahilapura being Śaivites held the god Somanátha of Prabhása in great veneration. The very ancient and holy shrine of Prabhása has long been a place of special pilgrimage. As early as the Yádavas of Dwárká, pilgrimages to Prabhása are recorded but the Mahábhárata makes no mention either of Somanátha or of any other Śaivite shrine. The shrine of Somanátha was probably not established before the time of the Valabhis (a.d. 480–767). As the Valabhi kings were most open-handed in religious gifts, it was probably through their grants that the Somanátha temple rose to importance. The Solaṅkis were not behind the Valabhis in devotion to Somanátha. To save pilgrims from oppression Múlarája fought Graharipu the Ábhíra king of Sorath. Múlarája afterwards went to Prabhása and also built temples in Gujarát in honour of the god Somanátha. As Múlarája’s successors Chámuṇḍa and Durlabha continued firm devotees of Somanátha during their reigns (a.d. 997–1022) the wealth of the temple must have greatly increased. 

Mahmúd’s Invasion, a.d. 1024.

No Gujarát Hindu writer refers to the destruction of the great temple soon after Bhíma’s accession. But the Musalmán historians place beyond doubt that in a.d. 1024 the famous tenth raid of Somanátha, a.d. 1024.Mahmúd of Ghazni, ended in the destruction and plunder of Somanátha. 

On the destruction of Somanátha the earliest Musalmán account, of Ibn Asír (a.d. 1160–1229), supplies the following 
details: In the year a.d. 1024 (H. 414) Mahmúd captured several forts and cities in Hind and he also took the idol called Somanátha. This idol was the greatest of all the idols of Hind. At every eclipse the Hindus went on pilgrimage to the temple, and there congregated to the number of a hundred thousand persons. According to their doctrine of transmigration the Hindus believe that after separation from the body the souls of men meet at Somanátha; and that the ebb and flow of the tide is the worship paid to the best of its power by the sea to the idol. All that is most precious in India was brought to Somanátha. The temple attendants received the most valuable presents, and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. In the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and of incalculable value. The people of India have a great river called Ganga to which they pay the highest honour and into which they cast the bones of their great men, in the belief that the deceased will thus secure an entrance to heaven. Though between this river and Somanátha is a distance of about 1200 miles (200 parasangs) water was daily brought from it to wash the idol. Every day a thousand Bráhmans performed the worship and introduced visitors. The shaving of the heads and beards of pilgrims employed three hundred barbers. Three hundred and fifty persons sang and danced at the gate of the temple, every one receiving a settled daily allowance. When Mahmúd was gaining victories and demolishing idols in North India, the Hindus said Somanátha is displeased with these idols. If Somanátha had been satisfied with them no one could have destroyed or injured them. When Mahmúd heard this he resolved on making a campaign to destroy Somanátha, believing that when the Hindus saw their prayers and imprecations to be false and futile they would embrace the Faith.

So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and with 30,000 horse besides volunteers left Ghazni on the 10th Sha’bán (H.
414, a.d. 1024). He took the road to Multán and reached it in the middle of Ramzán. The road from Multán to India lay through a barren desert without inhabitants or food. Mahmúd collected provisions for the passage and loading 30,000 camels with water and corn started for Aṇahilaváḍa. After he had crossed the desert he perceived on one side a fort full of people in which place there were wells. The leaders came to conciliate him, but he invested the place, and God gave him victory over it, for the hearts of the people failed them through fear. He brought the place under the sway of Islám, killed the inhabitants, and broke in pieces their images. His men carrying water with them marched for Aṇahilaváḍa, where they arrived at the beginning of Zílkáda.

The Chief of Aṇahilaváḍa, called Bhím, fled hastily, and abandoning his city went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare for war. Mahmúd pushed on for Somanátha. On his march he came to several forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds of Somanátha. These Mahmúd called Shaitán or devils. He killed the people, destroyed the fortifications, broke the idols in pieces, and through a waterless desert marched to Somanátha. In the desert land he met 20,000 fighting men whose chiefs would not submit. He sent troops against them, defeated them, put them to flight, and plundered their possessions. From the desert he marched to Dabalwárah, two days’ journey from Somanátha. The people of Dabalwárah stayed in the city believing that the word of Somanátha would drive back the invaders. Mahmúd took the place, slew the men, plundered their property, and marched to Somanátha.

Reaching Somanátha on a Thursday in the middle of Zílkáda Mahmúd beheld a strong fortress built on the sea-shore, so that its walls were washed by the waves. From the walls the people jeered at the Musalmáns. Our deity, they said, will cut off the last man of you and destroy you all. On the morrow which was Friday the assailants advanced to the assault. When the Hindus saw how the Muhammadans fought they abandoned their posts and left the walls. The Musalmáns planted their ladders and scaled the walls. From the top they raised their war-cry, and showed the might of Islám. Still their loss was so heavy that the issue seemed doubtful. A body of Hindus hurried to Somanátha, cast themselves on the ground before him, and besought him to grant them victory. Night came on and the fight was stayed. Early next morning Mahmúd renewed the battle. His men made greater havoc among the Hindus till they drove them from the town to the house of their idol Somanátha. At the gate of the temple the slaughter was dreadful. Band after band of the defenders entered the temple and standing before Somanátha with their hands clasped round their necks wept and passionately entreated him. Then they issued forth to fight and fought till they were slain. The few left alive took to the sea in boats but the Musalmáns overtook them and some were killed and some were drowned. The temple of Somanátha rested on fifty-six pillars of teakwood covered with lead. The idol was in a dark chamber. The height of the idol was five cubits and its girth three cubits. This was what appeared to the eye; two cubits were hidden in the basement. It had no appearance of being sculptured. Mahmúd seized it, part of it he burnt, and part he carried with him to Ghazni, where he made it a step at the entrance of the Great Mosque. The dark shrine was lighted by exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold 200 mans in weight. To the chain bells were fastened. And when each watch of the night was over the chain was shaken and the ringing of the bells roused a fresh party of Bráhmans to carry on the worship. In the treasury which was near the shrine were many idols of gold and silver. Among the treasures were veils set with jewels, every jewel of immense value. What was found in the temple was worth more than two millions of dinárs. Over fifty thousand Hindus were slain. After the capture of Somanátha, Mahmúd received intelligence that Bhím the chief of Aṇahilaváḍa had gone to the fort of Khandahat, about 240 miles (40 parasangs) from Somanátha between that place and the desert. Mahmúd marched to Khandahat. When he came before it he questioned some men who were hunting as to the tide. He learned that the ford was practicable, but that if the wind blew a little the crossing was dangerous. Mahmúd prayed to the Almighty and entered the water. He and his forces passed safely and drove out the enemy. From Khandahat he returned intending to proceed against Mansúra in central Sindh, whose ruler was an apostate Muhammadan. At the news of Mahmúd’s approach the chief fled into the date forests. Mahmúd followed, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were slain, many drowned, and few escaped. Mahmúd then went to Bhátiá, and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, returned to Ghazni where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 H. (a.d. 1026). The Rauzatu-s-safá of Mirkhand supplements these details with the following account of Mahmúd’s arrangements for holding Gujarát: ‘It is related that when Sultán Mahmúd had achieved the conquest of Somanátha he wished to fix his residence there for some years because the country was very extensive and possessed many advantages among them several mines which produced pure gold. Indian rubies were brought from Sarandíp, one of the dependencies of the kingdom of Gujarát. His ministers represented to Mahmúd that to forsake Khurásán which had been won from his enemies after so many battles and to make Somanátha the seat of government was very improper. At last the king made up his mind to return and ordered some one to be appointed to hold and carry on the administration of the country. The ministers observed that as it was impossible for a stranger to maintain possession he should assign the country to one of the native chiefs. The Sultán accordingly held a council to settle the nomination, in concurrence with such of the inhabitants as were well disposed towards him. Some of them represented to him that amongst the ancient royal families no house was so noble as that of the Dábshilíms of whom only one member survived, and he had assumed the habit of a Bráhman, and was devoted to philosophical pursuits and austerity. A few years later Bhíma was on bad terms with Dhandhuka the Paramára chief of Ábu, and sent his general Vimala to subdue him. Dhandhuka submitted and made over to Vimala the beautiful Chitrakûṭa peak of Ábu, where, in a.d. 1032 (S. 1088), Vimala built the celebrated Jain temples known as Vimalavasahi still one of the glories of Ábu. Bhíma had three wives Udayámatí who built a step-well at Aṇahilaváḍa, Bukuládeví, and another. These ladies were the mothers of Karṇa, Kshemarája, and Múlarája. Of the three sons Múlarája, though his mother’s name is unknown, was the eldest and the heir-apparent. Of the kindly Múlarája the author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi tells the following tale: In a year of scarcity the Kuṭumbikas or cultivators of Vishopaka and Daṇḍáhi found themselves unable to pay the king his share of the land-produce. Bhímarája sent a minister to inquire and the minister brought before the king all the well-to-do people of the defaulting villages. One day prince Múlarája saw these men talking to one another in alarm. Taking pity on them he pleased the king by his skilful riding. The king asked him to name a boon and the prince begged that the demand on the villagers might be remitted. The boon was granted, the ryots went home in glee, but within three days Múlarája was dead. Next season yielded a bumper harvest, and the people came to present the king with his share for that year as well as with the remitted share for the previous year. Bhímdev declined to receive the arrears. A jury appointed by the king settled that the royal share of the produce for both years should be placed in the king’s hands for the erection of a temple called the new Tripurushaprásáda for the spiritual welfare of prince Múlarája. Bhíma reigned forty-two years. Both the Prabandhachintámaṇi and the Vicháraśreṇi mention Karṇa as his successor. According to the Dvyáśraya Bhíma, wishing to retire to a religious life, offered the succession to Kshemarája. But Kshemarája also was averse from the labour of ruling and it was settled that Karṇa should succeed. Bhíma died soon after and Kshemarája retired to a holy place on the Sarasvatí named Mundakeśvara not far from Aṇahilaváḍa. Karṇa is said to have granted Dahithalí a neighbouring village to Devaprasáda the son of Kshemarája that he might attend on his father in his religious seclusion. But as the Kumárapálacharita mentions Kshemarája being settled at Dahithalí as a ruler not as an ascetic it seems probable that Dahithalí was granted to Kshemarája for maintenance as villages are still granted to the bháyás or brethren of the ruler.

Karṇa, a.d. 1064–1094

Karṇa who came to the throne in a.d. 1064 (S. 1120) had a more peaceful reign than his predecessors. He was able to build charitable public works among them a temple called Karṇa-meru at Aṇahilaváḍa. His only war was an expedition against Áshá Bhil, chief of six lákhs of Bhils residing at Áshápallí the modern village of Asával near Ahmadábád. Áshá was defeated and slain. In consequence of an omen from a local goddess named Kochharva, Karṇa built her a temple in Asával and also built temples to Jayantí Deví and Karṇeśvara Mahádeva. He made a lake called Karṇaságara and founded a city called Karṇávatí which he made his capital. Karṇa had three ministers Muñjála, Sántu, and Udaya. Udaya was a Śrímálí Vániá of Márwár, who had settled in Aṇahilaváḍa and who was originally called Udá. Sántu built a Jain temple called Sántu-vasahi and Udá built at Karṇávatí a large temple called Udaya-varáha, containing seventy-two images of Tirthankars, twenty-four past twenty-four present and twenty-four to come. By different wives Udá had five sons, Áhaḍa or Asthaḍa, Cháhaḍa, Báhaḍa, Ámbada, and Sollá, of whom the last three were half brothers of the first two. Except Sollá, who continued a merchant and became very wealthy, all the sons entered the service of the state and rose to high stations during the reign of Kumárapála. In late life Karṇa married Miyáṇalladeví daughter of Jayakeśi son of Śubhakeśi king of the Karṇáṭaka. According to the Dvyáśraya a wandering painter showed Karṇa the portrait of a princess whom he described as daughter of Jayakeśi the Kadamba king of Chandrapura in the Dakhan, and who he said had taken a vow to marry Karṇa. In token of her wish to marry Karṇa the painter said the princess had sent Karṇa an elephant. Karṇa went to see the present and found on the elephant a beautiful princess who had come so far in the hope of winning him for a husband. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi Karṇa found the princess ugly and refused to marry her. On this the princess with eight attendants determined to burn themselves on a funeral pyre and Udayámatí Karṇa’s mother also declared that if he did not relent she too would be a sacrifice. Under this compulsion Karṇa married the princess but refused to treat her as a wife. The minister Muñjála, learning from a kañchukí or palace-servant that the king loved a certain courtezan, contrived that Miyánalladeví should take the woman’s place, a device still practised by ministers of native states. Karṇa fell into the snare and the queen became pregnant by him, having secured from the hand of her husband his signet ring as a token which could not be disclaimed. Thus in Karṇa’s old age Miyánalladeví became the mother of the illustrious Siddharája Jayasiṃha, who, according to a local tradition quoted by Mr. Forbes, first saw the light at Pálanpur. When three years old the precocious Siddharája climbed and sat upon the throne. This ominous event being brought to the king’s notice he consulted his astrologers who advised that from that day Siddharája should be installed as heir-apparent. The Gujarát chronicles do not record how or when Karṇa died. It appears from a manuscript that he was reigning in a.d. 1089 (S. 1145).The Hammíramahákávya says ‘The illustrious Karṇadeva was killed in battle by king Duśśala of Śákambharí,’ and the two appear to have been cotemporaries.The author of the Dvyáśraya says that Karṇa died fixing his thoughts on Vishṇu, recommending to Siddharája his cousin Devaprasáda son of Kshemarája. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi Vicháraśreṇi and Sukṛitasankírtana Karṇa died in a.d. 1094 (S. 1150).

Siddharája Jayasingha, a.d. 1094–1143.

As, at the time of his father’s death, Siddharája was a minor the reins of government must have passed into the hands of his mother Miyánalladeví. That the succession should have been attended with struggle and intrigue is not strange. According to the Dvyáśraya Devaprasáda, the son of Kshemarája burned himself on the funeral pile shortly after the death of Karṇa, an action which was probably the result of some intrigue regarding the succession. Another intrigue ended in the death of Madanapála brother of Karṇa’s mother queen Udayámatí, at the hands of the minister Śántu, who along with Muñjála and Udá, helped the queen-mother Miyánalladeví during the regency. Muñjála and Sántu continued in office under Siddharája. Another minister built a famous Jain temple named Mahárájabhuvana in Sidhpur at the time when Siddharája built the Rudramálá. An inscription from a temple near Bhadresar in Kacch dated a.d. 1139 (S. 1195 Ásháḍha Vad 10, Sunday), in recording grants to Audíchya Bráhmans to carry on the worship in an old temple of Udaleśvara and in a new temple of Kumárapáleśvara built by Kumárapála son of the great prince Ásapála,notes that Dádáka was then minister of Siddharája. Among his generals the best known was a chief named Jagaddeva (Jag Dev), commonly believed to be a Paramára, many of whose feats of daring are recorded in bardic and popular romances. Though Jag Dev is generally called a Paramára nothing of his family is on record. The author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi describes Jagaddeva as a thrice valiant warrior held in great respect by Siddharája. After Siddharája’s death Jagaddeva went to serve king Permádi to whose mother’s family he was related. Permádi gave him a chiefship and sent him to attack Málava. When Siddharája attained manhood his mother prepared to go in great state on pilgrimage to Somanátha. She went with rich offerings as far as Báhuloḍa apparently the large modern village of Bholáda on the Gujarát-Káthiáváḍa frontier about twenty-two miles south-west of Dholká. At this frontier town the Aṇahilaváḍa kings levied a tax on all pilgrims to Somanátha. Many of the pilgrims unable to pay the tax had to return home in tears. Miyánalladeví was so saddened by the woes of the pilgrims that she stopped her pilgrimage and returned home. Siddharája met her on the way and asked her why she had turned back. Miyánalladeví said, I will neither eat nor go to Somanátha until you order the remission of the pilgrim tax. Siddharája called the Bholáda treasurer and found that the levy yielded 72 lákhs a year. In spite of the serious sacrifice Siddharája broke the board authorizing the levy of the tax and pouring water from his hand into his mother’s declared that the merit of the remission was hers. The queen went to Somanátha and worshipped the god with gold presenting an elephant and other gifts and handing over her own weight in money. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi while Miyánalladeví and Siddharája were on pilgrimage Yaśovarman king of Málwa continually harassed the Gurjjara-Maṇḍala. Śántu who was in charge of the kingdom asked Yaśovarman on what consideration he would retire. Yaśovarman said he would retire if Siddharája gave up to him the merit of the pilgrimage to Someśvara. Sántu washed his feet and taking water in his hand surrendered to Yaśovarman the merit of Siddharája, on which, according to his promise, Yaśovarman retired. On his return Siddharája asked Sántu what he meant by transferring his sovereign’s merit to a rival. Sántu said, ‘If you think my giving Yaśovarman your merit has any importance I restore it to you.’ This curious story seems to be a Jain fiction probably invented with the object of casting ridicule on the Bráhmanical doctrine of merit. Yaśovarman was not a cotemporary of Siddharája. The Málwa king referred to is probably Yaśovarman’s predecessor Naravarman, of whom an inscription dated a.d. 1134 (S. 1190) is recorded. Under the name Sadharo Jesingh, Siddharája’s memory is fresh in Gujarát as its most powerful, most religious, and most charitable ruler. Almost every old work of architectural or antiquarian interest in Gujarát is ascribed to Siddharája. In inscriptions he is styled The great king of kings, The great lord, The great Bhaṭṭáraka, The lord of Avantí, The hero of the three worlds, The conqueror of Barbaraka, The universal ruler Siddha, The illustrious Jayasiṃhadeva. Of these the commonest attributes are Siddhachakravartín the Emperor of Magic and Siddharája the Lord of Magic, titles which seem to claim for the king divine or supernatural powers. In connection with his assumption of these titles the Kumárapálaprabandha, the Dvyáśraya, and the Prabandhachintámaṇi tell curious tales. According to the Dvyáśraya, the king wandering by night had subdued the Bhútas, Sákinís, and other spirits. He had also learnt many mantras or charms. From what he saw at night he would call people in the day time and say ‘You have such a cause of uneasiness’ or ‘You have such a comfort.’ Seeing that he knew their secrets the people thought that the king knew the hearts of all men and must be the avatára of some god. A second story tells how Siddharája helped a Nága prince and princess whom he met by night on the Sarasvatí. According to a third story told in the Kumárapálaprabandha two Yoginís or nymphs came from the Himálayas and asked the king by what mystic powers he justified the use of the title Siddharája. The king agreed to perform some wonders in open court in the presence of the nymphs. With the help of a former minister, Haripála, the king had a dagger prepared whose blade was of sugar and its handle of iron set with jewels. When the king appeared in court to perform the promised wonders a deputation of ambassadors from king Permádi of Kalyánakaṭaka was announced. The deputation entered and presented the prepared dagger as a gift from their lord. The king kept the prepared dagger and in its stead sent all round the court a real dagger which was greatly admired. After the real dagger had been seen and returned the king said: I will use this dagger to show my mystic powers, and in its place taking the false dagger ate its sugar blade. When the blade was eaten the minister stopped the king and said Let the Yoginís eat the handle. The king agreed and as the Yoginís failed to eat the handle which was iron the superiority of the king’s magic was proved. A fourth story in the Dvyáśraya tells that when the king was planning an invasion of Málwa a Yoginí came from Ujjain to Patan and said ‘O Rája, if you desire great fame, come to Ujjain and humbly entreat Kálika and other Yoginís and make friends with Yaśovarman the Rája of Ujjain.’ The king contemptuously dismissed her, saying, ‘If you do not fly hence like a female crow, I will cut off your nose and ears with this sword.’ So also the king’s acts of prowess and courage were believed to be due to magical aid. According to the common belief Siddharája did his great acts of heroism by the help of a demon named Bábaro, whom he is said to have subdued by riding on a corpse in a burying ground. The story in the Prabandhachintámaṇi is similar to that told of the father of Harshavardhana who subdued a demon with the help of a Yogí. It is notable that the story had passed into its present form within a hundred years of Siddharája’s death. Someśvara in his Kírtikaumudí says, ‘This moon of kings fettered the prince of goblins Barbaraka in a burial-place, and became known among the crowd of kings as Siddharája.’ Older records show that the origin of the story, at least of the demon’s name, is historical being traceable to one of Siddharája’s copperplate attributes Barbaraka-jishṇu that is conqueror of Barbaraka. The Dvyáśrayakosha represents this Barbara as a leader of Rákshasas or Mlechhas, who troubled the Bráhmans at Śrísthala-Siddhapura. Jayasiṃha conquered him and spared his life at the instance of his wife Piṅgaliká. Afterwards Barbara gave valuable presents to Jayasiṃha and ‘served him as other Gurjar. Barbaraka seems to be the name of a tribe of non-Áryans whose modern representatives are the Bábariás settled in South Káthiáváḍa in the province still known as Bábariáváḍa. A Dohad inscription of the time of Siddharája dated a.d. 1140 (S. 1196) says of his frontier wars: ‘He threw into prison the lords of Suráshṭra and Málwa; he destroyed Sindhurája and other kings; he made the kings of the north bear his commands.’ The Suráshṭra king referred to is probably a ruler of the Áhír or Chúḍásamá tribe whose head-quarters were at Junágaḍh. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi Siddharája went in person to subdue Noghan or Navaghani the Áhír ruler of Suráshṭra; he came to Vardhamánapura that is Vadhván and from Vadhván attacked and slew Noghan. Jinaprabhasúri the author of the Tírthakalpa says of Girnár that Jayasiṃha killed the king named Khengár and made one Sajjana his viceroy in Suráshṭra. So many traditions remain regarding wars with Khengár that it seems probable that Siddharája led separate expeditions against more than one king of that name. According to tradition the origin of the war with Khengár was a woman named Ráṇakadeví whom Khengára had married. Ránakadeví was the daughter of a potter of Majevádi village about nine miles north of Junágaḍh, so famous for her beauty that Siddharája determined to marry her. Meanwhile she had accepted an offer from Khengár whose subject she was and had married him. Siddharája enraged at her marriage advanced against Khengár, took him prisoner, and annexed Sorath. That Khengár’s kingdom was annexed and Sajjana, mentioned by Jinaprabhasúri, was appointed Viceroy is proved by a Girnár inscription dated a.d. 1120 (S. 1176). An era called the Siṃha Saṃvatsara connected with the name of Jayasiṃha and beginning with a.d. 1113–1114 (S. 1169–70), occurs in several inscriptions found about Prabhása and South Káthiáváḍa. This era was probably started in that year in honour of this conquest of Khengár and Sorath. The earliest known mention of the Siṃha Saṃvatsara era occurs in a step-well at Mángrol called the Sodhali Váv. The inscription is of the time of Kumárapála and mentions Sahajiga the father of Múlaka the grantor as a member of the bodyguard of the Chálukyas. The inscription states that Sahajiga had several sons able to protect Sauráshṭra, one of whom was Somarája who built the temple of Sahajigeśvara, in the enclosure of the Somanátha temple at Prabhása; another was Múlaka the náyaka of Suráshṭra, who is recorded to have made grants for the worship of the god by establishing cesses in Mangalapura or Mángrol and other places. The inscription is dated a.d. 1146 (Monday the 13th of the dark half of Aśvín Vikrama S. 1202 and Siṃha S. 32). This inscription supports the view that the Siṃha era was established by Jayasiṃha, since if the era belonged to some other local chief, no Chálukya viceroy would adopt it. The Siṃha era appears to have been kept up in Gujarát so long as Aṇahilapura rule lasted. The well known Verával inscription of the time of Arjuṇadeva is dated Hijri 662, Vikrama S. 1320, Valabhi S. 945, Siṃha S. 151, Sunday the 13th of Ásháḍha Vadi. This inscription shows that the Siṃha era was in use for a century and a half during the sovereignty of Aṇahilaváḍa in Suráshṭra. Regarding Sajjana Siddharája’s first viceroy in Suráshṭra, the Prabandhachintámaṇi says that finding him worthy the king appointed Sajjana the daṇḍádhipati of Suráshṭradeśa. Without consulting his master Sajjana spent three years’ revenue in building a stone temple of Neminátha on Girnár instead of a wooden temple which he removed. In the fourth year the king sent four officers to bring Sajjana to Aṇahilaváḍa. The king called on Sajjana to pay the revenues of the past three years. In reply Sajjana asked whether the king would prefer the revenue in cash or the merit which had accrued from spending the revenue in building the temple. Preferring the merit the king sanctioned the spending of the revenues on the Tírtha and Sajjana was reappointed governor of Sorath. This stone temple of Sajjana would seem to be the present temple of Neminátha, though many alterations have been made in consequence of Muhammadan sacrilege and a modern enclosure has been added. The inscription of Sajjana which is dated a.d. 1120 (S. 1176) is on the inside to the right in passing to the small south gate. It contains little but the mention of the Sádhu who was Sajjana’s constant adviser. On his return from a second pilgrimage to Somanátha Siddharája who was encamped near Raivataka that is Girnár expressed a wish to see Sajjana’s temple. But the Bráhmans envious of the Jains persuaded the king that as Girnár was shaped like a liṅg it would be sacrilege to climb it. Siddharája respected this objection and worshipped at the foot of the mountain. From Girnár he went to Śatruñjaya. Here too Bráhmans with drawn swords tried to prevent the king ascending the hill. Siddharája went in disguise at night, worshipped the Jain god Ádíśvara with Ganges water, and granted the god twelve neighbouring villages. On the hill he saw so luxuriant a growth of the sállaki a plant dear to elephants, that he proposed to make the hill a breeding place for elephants a second Vindhya. He was reminded what damage wild elephants would cause to the holy place and for this reason abandoned his plan. Siddharája’s second and greater war was with Málwa. The cotemporary kings of Málwa were the Paramára ruler Naravarman who flourished from a.d. 1104 to 1133 (S. 1160–1189) and his son and successor Yaśovarman who ruled up to a.d. 1143 (S. 1199) the year of Siddharája’s death As the names of both these kings occur in different accounts of this war, and, as the war is said to have lasted twelve years, it seems that fighting began in the time of Naravarman and that Siddharája’s final victory was gained in the time of Yaśovarman in Siddharája’s old age about a.d. 1134 (S. 1190). This view is supported by the local story that his expedition against Yaśovarman was undertaken while Siddharája was building the Sahasraliṅga lake and other religious works. It is not known how the war arose but the statement of the Prabandhachintámaṇi that Siddharája vowed to make a scabbard of Yaśovarman’s skin seems to show that Siddharája received grave provocation. Siddharája is said to have left the building of the Sahasraliṅga lake to the masons and architects and himself to have started for Málwa. The war dragged on and there seemed little hope of victory when news reached Siddharája that the three south gates of Dhárá could be forced. With the help of an elephant an entrance was effected. Yaśovarman was captured and bound with six ropes, and, with his captured enemy as his banner of victory, Siddharája returned to Aṇahilapura. He remembered his vow, but being prevented from carrying it out, he took a little of Yaśovarman’s skin and adding other skin to it made a scabbard. The captured king was thenceforward kept in a cage. It was this complete conquest and annexation of Málwa that made Siddharája assume the style of Avantínátha ‘Lord of Avantí,’ which is mentioned as his biruḍa or title in most of the Chaulukya copperplates. Málwa henceforward remained subject to Aṇahilaváḍa. On the return from Málwa an army of Bhíls who tried to block the way were attacked by the minister Sántu and put to flight. Siddharája’s next recorded war is with king Madanavarman the Chandela king of Mahobaka the modern Mahobá in Bundelkhand. Madanavarman, of whom General Cunningham has found numerous inscriptions dating from a.d. 1130 to 1164 (S. 1186–1220), was one of the most famous kings of the Chandela dynasty. An inscription of one of his successors in Kálanjar fort records that Madanavarman ‘in an instant defeated the king of Gurjjara, as Kṛishṇa in former times defeated Kaṃsa, a statement which agrees with the Gujarát accounts of the war between him and Jayasiṃha. In this conflict the Gujarát accounts do not seem to show that Siddharája gained any great victory; he seems to have been contented with a money present. The Kírtikaumudí states that the king of Mahobaka honoured Siddharája as his guest and paid a fine and tribute by way of hospitality. The account in the Kumárapálacharita suggests that Siddharája was compelled to come to terms and make peace. According to the Kírtikaumudí, and this seems likely, Siddharája went from Dhárá to Kálanjara. The account in the Prabandhachintámaṇi is very confused. According to the Kumárapálacharita, on Siddharája’s way back from Dhárá at his camp near Patan a bard came to the court and said to the king that his court was as wonderful as the court of Madanavarman. The bard said that Madanavarman was the king of the city of Mahobaka and most clever, wise, liberal, and pleasure-loving. The king sent a courtier to test the truth of the bard’s statement. The courtier returned after six months declaring that the bard’s account was in no way exaggerated. Hearing this Siddharája at once started against Mahobaka and encamping within sixteen miles of the city sent his minister to summon Madanavarman to surrender. Madanavarman who was enjoying himself took little notice of the minister. This king, he said, is the same who had to fight twelve years with Dhárá; if, as is probable, since he is a kabádi or wild king, he wants money, pay him what he wants. The money was paid. But Siddharája was so struck with Madanavarman’s indifference that he would not leave until he had seen him. Madanavarman agreed to receive him. Siddharája went with a large bodyguard to the royal garden which contained a palace and enclosed pleasure-house and was guarded by troops. Only four of Siddharája’s guards were allowed to enter. With these four men Siddharája went in, was shown the palace garden and pleasure-houses by Madanavarman, was treated with great hospitality, and on his return to Patan was given a guard of 120 men. The Dvyáśraya says that after his conquest of Ujjain Siddharája seized and imprisoned the king of a neighbouring country named Sim. We have no other information on this point. The Dohad inscription dated a.d. 1140 mentions the destruction of Sindhurája that is the king of Sindh and other kings. The Kírtikaumudí also mentions the binding of the lord of Sindhu. Nothing is known regarding the Sindh war. The Kírtikaumudí mentions that after a war with Arṇorája king of Sámbhar Siddharája gave his daughter to Arṇorája. This seems to be a mistake as the war and alliance with Arṇorája belong to Kumárapála’s reign. Siddharája, who like his ancestors was a Śaiva, showed his zeal for the faith by constructing the two grandest works in Gujarát the Rudramahálaya at Sidhpur and the Sahasraliṅga lake at Patan. The Jain chroniclers always try to show that Siddharája was favourably inclined to Jainism. But several of his acts go against this claim and some even show a dislike of the Jains. It is true that the Jain sage Hemáchárya lived with the king, but the king honoured him as a scholar rather than as a Jain. On the occasion of the pilgrimage to Somanátha the king offered Hemáchárya a palanquin, and, as he would not accept the offer but kept on walking, the king blamed him calling him a learned fool with no worldly wisdom. Again on one occasion while returning from Málwa Siddharája encamped at a place called Śrínagara, where the people had decorated their temples with banners in honour of the king. Finding a banner floating over a Jain temple the king asked in anger who had placed it there, as he had forbidden the use of banners on Jain shrines and temples in Gujarát. On being told that it was a very old shrine dating from the time of Bharata, the king ordered that at the end of a year the banner might be replaced. This shows the reverse of a leaning to Jainism. Similarly, according to the Prabandhachintámaṇi, Hemáchárya never dared to speak to the king in favour of Jainism but used to say that all religions were good. This statement is supported by the fact that the opening verses of all works written by Hemáchárya in the time of Siddharája contain no special praise of Jain deities. So great is Siddharája’s fame as a builder that almost every old work in Gujarát is ascribed to him. Tradition gives him the credit of the Dabhoi fort which is of the time of the Vághelá king Víradhavala, a.d. 1220–1260. The Prabandhachintámaṇi gives this old verse regarding Siddharája’s public works: ‘No one makes a great temple (Rudramahálaya), a great pilgrimage (to Somanátha), a great Ásthána (darbár hall), or a great lake (Sahasraliṅga) such as Siddharája made. Of these the Rudramahálaya, though very little is left, from its size and the beauty of its carving, must have been a magnificent work the grandest specimen of the architecture of the Solaṅki period. The remains of the Sahasraliṅga lake at Aṇahilapura show that it must have been a work of surprising size and richness well deserving its title of mahásaraḥ or great lake. Numerous other public works are ascribed to Siddharája. At this period it seems that the kings of Gujarát Sámbhar and other districts, seeing the great reputation which his literary tastes had gained for Bhoja of Dhárá used all to keep Pandits. Certain carvings on the pillars of a mosque at the south-west of the modern town of Dhárá show that the building almost as it stands was the Sanskrit school founded by Bhoja. The carvings in question are beautifully cut Sanskrit grammar tables. Other inscriptions in praise of Naravarman show that Bhoja’s successors continued to maintain the institution. In the floor of the mosque are many large shining slabs of black marble, the largest as much as seven feet long, all of them covered with inscriptions so badly mutilated that nothing can be made out of them except that they were Sanskrit and Prakrit verses in honour of some prince. On a rough estimate the slabs contain as many as 4000 verses. According to the old saying any one who drank of the Sarasvatí well in Dhárá became a scholar. Sarasvatí’s well still exists near the mosque. Its water is good and it is still known as Akkal-kui or the Well of Talent. As in Dhárá so in Ajmir the Aṛháí-dinká Jhopḍá mosque is an old Sanskrit school, recent excavations having brought to light slabs with entire dramas carved on them. So also the Gujarát kings had their Pandits and their halls of learning. Śrípála, Siddharája’s poet-laureate, wrote a poetical eulogium or praśasti on the Sahasraliṅga lake. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi Siddharája gathered numerous Pandits to examine the eulogium. As has already been noticed Siddharája’s constant companion was the great scholar and Jain áchárya Hemachandra also called Hemáchárya, who, under the king’s patronage, wrote a treatise on grammar called Siddhahema, and also the well-known Dvyáśrayakosha which was intended to teach both grammar and the history of the Solaṅkis. Hemachandra came into even greater prominence in the time of Kumárapála, when he wrote several further works and became closely connected with the state religion. Several stories remain of Siddharája assembling poets, and holding literary and poetic discussions. Record is preserved of a sabhá or assembly called by the king to hear discussions between a Śvetámbara Jaina áchárya named Bhaṭṭáraka Devasúri and a Digambara Jaina áchárya named Kumudachandra who had come from the Karṇáṭak. Devasúri who was living and preaching in the Jain temple of Arishṭanemi at Karṇávatí, that is the modern Ahmadábád, was there visited by Kumudachandra. Devasúri treated his visitor with little respect telling him to go to Patan and he would follow and hold a religious discussion or váda. Kumudachandra being a Digambara or skyclad Jaina went naked to Patan and Siddharája honoured him because he came from his mother’s country. Siddharája asked Hemachandra to hold a discussion with Kumudachandra and Hemachandra recommended that Devasúri should be invited as a worthy disputant. At a discussion held before a meeting called by the king Kumudachandra was vanquished, probably because the first principle of his Digambara faith that no woman can attain nirváṇa, was insulting to the queen-mother, and the second that no clothes-wearing Jain can gain mukti or absorption, was an insult to the Jain ministers. The assembly, like Bráhmanical sabhás at the present day, appears to have declined into noise and Siddharája had to interfere and keep order. Devasúri was complimented by the king and taken by one Áhada with great honour to his newly built Jaina temple.

Kumárapála, a.d. 1143–1174.

In spite of prayers to Somanátha, of incantations, and of gifts to Bráhmans, Siddharája Jayasiṃha had no son. The throne passed into the line of Tribhuvanapála the great-grandson of Bhímadeva I. (a.d. 1074–62) who was ruling as a feudatory of Siddharája at his ancestral appanage of Dahithalí. Tribhuvanapála’s pedigree is Bhímadeva I.; his son Kshemarája by Bakuládeví a concubine; his son Haripála; his son Tribhuvanapála. By his queen Kásmíradeví Tribhuvanapála had three sons Mahípála, Kírttipála, and Kumárapála, and two daughters Premaladeví and Devaladeví. Premaladeví was married to one of Siddharája’s nobles a cavalry general named Kánhada or Kṛishṇadeva: Devaladeví was married to Arṇorája or Anarája king of Śákambhari or Sámbhar, the Ánalladeva of the Hammíramahákávya. Kumárapála himself was married by his father to one Bhupáladeví. According to the Dvyáśraya, Tribhuvanapála was on good terms with Siddharája serving him and going with him to war. The Kumárapálacharita also states that Kumárapála used to attend the court of Siddharája. But from the time he came to feel that he would have no son and that the bastard Kumárapála would succeed him Siddharája became embittered against Kumárapála. According to the Jain chronicles Siddharája was told by the god Somanátha, by the sage Hemachandra, by the goddess Ambiká of Kodinár, and by astrologers that he would have no son and that Kumárapála would be his successor. According to the Kumárapálacharita so bitter did his hate grow that Siddharája planned the death of Tribhuvanapála and his family including Kumárapála. Tribhuvanapála was murdered but Kumárapála escaped. Grieved at this proof of the king’s hatred Kumárapála consulted his brother-in-law Kṛishṇadeva who advised him to leave his family at Dahithalí and go into exile promising to keep him informed of what went on at Aṇahilapura. Kumárapála left in the disguise of a jaṭádhári or recluse and escaped the assassins whom the king had ordered to slay him. After some time Kumárapála returned and in spite of his disguise was recognized by the guards. They informed the king who invited all the ascetics in the city to a dinner. Kumárapála came but noticing that the king recognized him in spite of his disguise, he fled. The king sent a trusted officer with a small force in pursuit. Kumárapála persuaded some husbandmen, the chief of whom was Bhímasiṃha, to hide him in a heap of thorns. The pursuers failing to find him returned. At night Kumárapála was let out bleeding from the thorns, and promised the husbandmen that the day would come when their help would be rewarded. He then shaved his topknot or jaṭá and while travelling met with a lady named Devaśrí of Udambara village who pitying him took him into her chariot and gave him food. Kumárapála promised to regard her as a sister. He then came to Dahithalí where the royal troops had already arrived. Siddharája sent an army which invested the village leaving Kumárapála without means of escape. He went to a potter named Sajjana or Aliṅga who hid him in the flues of his brick-kiln throwing hay over him. The troops searched the village, failed to find Kumárapála, and retired. The potter then helped Kumárapála from his hiding place and fed him. A former friend named Bosari joined Kumárapála and they went away together Kumárapála commending his family to the care of Sajjana. On the first day they had no food. Next day Bosari went to beg and they together ate the food given to Bosari in a monastery or maṭh where they slept. In time they came to Cambay where they called upon Hemáchárya and asked him their future. Hemáchárya knew and recognized Kumárapála. Kumárapála asked when fate would bless him. Before Hemáchárya could reply Udayana, one of the king’s ministers, came. Hemáchárya said to Udayana, ‘This is Kumárapála who shall shortly be your king.’ Hemáchárya also gave Kumárapála a writing stating that he would succeed to the throne. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and promised to follow his advice. Udayana took him to his house and gave him food and clothes. Siddharája came to know of this and sent his soldiers who began to search. Kumárapála returned to Hemáchárya who hid him in a cellar covering its door with manuscripts and palm leaves. The soldiers came but failed to search under the manuscripts and returned. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and said he owed him two great debts one for telling him the day on which he would come to the throne; the other for saving his life. Kumárapála left Cambay at midnight, the minister Udayana supplying him with provisions. From Cambay he went to Vaṭapadrapura probably Baroda, where feeling hungry he entered the shop of a Vánia named Katuka and asked for parched gram. The Vánia gave the gram and seeing that Kumárapála had no money accepted his promise of future payment. From Baroda he came to Bhrigukachh or Broach where he saw a soothsayer and asked him his future. The soothsayer, seeing the bird kali-deví perched on the temple flagstaff, said ‘You will shortly be king.’ Kumárapála shaved his matted hair and went from Broach to Ujjain where he met his family. But as here too the royal troops followed him he fled to Kolhápura where he came across a Yogí who foretold his succession to a throne and gave him two spells or manṭras. From Kolhápura Kumárapála went to Káñchí or Conjeveram and from there to the city of Kálambapattana. The king of Kálambapattana Pratápasiṃha received him like an elder brother and brought him into his city, built a temple of Śivananda Kumárapáleśvara in his honour, and even issued a coin called a Kumárapála. From Kálambapattana Kumárapála went to Chitrakúṭa or Chitor and from there to Ujjain whence he took his family to Siddhapura going on alone to Aṇahilapura to see his brother-in-law Kṛishṇadeva. According to the Vicháraśreṇi Siddharája died soon after in a.d. 1143 on the 3rd of Kárttika Śuddha Saṃvat 1199.
In the dissensions that followed the king’s death Kumárapála’s interests were well served by his brother-in-law Kṛishṇadeva. Eventually the names of three candidates, Kumárapála and two others, were laid before the state nobles sitting in council to determine who should be king. Of the three candidates the two others were found wanting, and Kumárapála was chosen and installed according to the Vicháraśreṇi on the 4th of Márgaśírsha Suddha and according to the Kumárapálaprabandha on the 4th of Márgaśírsha Vadhya. At the time of his succession, according to the Prabandhachintámaṇi and the Kumárapálaprabandha, Kumárapála was about fifty years of age. On his accession Kumárapála installed his wife Bhupáladeví his anointed queen or pattaráni; appointed Udayana who had befriended him at Cambay minister; Báhaḍa or Vágbhaṭa son of Udayana chief councillor or mahámátya; and Aliṅga second councillor or mahápradhána. Áhada or Árabhaṭṭa, apparently another son of Udayana, did not acknowledge Kumárapála and went over to Arṇorája Ánáka or Ano king of Sapádalaksha or the Sámbhar territory who is probably the same as the Ánalladeva of the Hammíramahákávya.
The potter Sajjana was rewarded with a grant of seven hundred villages near Chitrakúṭa or Chitoḍa fort in Rájputána, and the author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi notices that in his time the descendants of the potter ashamed of their origin called themselves descendants of Sagara. Bhímasiṃha who hid Kumárapála in the thorns was appointed head of the bodyguard; Devaśrí made the sister’s mark on the royal forehead at the time of Kumárapála’s installation and was granted the village of Devayo, and Katuka the Vániá of Baroda, who had given Kumárapála parched gram was granted the village of Vaṭapadra or Baroda. Bosari Kumárapála’s chief companion was given Láṭamaṇdala, which seems to mean that he was appointed viceroy of Láṭa or South Gujarát.
Kanhada or Kṛishṇadeva Kumárapála’s brother-in-law and adviser overvaluing his great services became arrogant and disobedient insulting the king in open court. As remonstrance was of no avail the king had Kṛishṇadeva waylaid and beaten by a band of athletes and taken almost dying to his wife the king’s sister. From this time all the state officers were careful to show ready obedience.
The old ministry saw that under so capable and well served a ruler their power was gone. They accordingly planned to slay the king and place their own nominee on the throne. The king heard of the plot: secured the assassins: and employed them in murdering the conspirators. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi, Áhada or Árabhaṭṭa who had gone over to the Sámbhar king and was in charge of the Sámbhar infantry, bribed the local nobles as a preliminary to a war which he had planned against Kumárapála. He so far succeeded as to bring Ána or Ánáka the Sámbhar king with the whole of his army to the borders of Gujarát to fight Kumárapála. Kumárapála went to meet Ánáka. But, in consequence of intrigues, in the battle that followed the Gujarát army did not obey orders. Kumárapála advanced in front on an elephant, and Báhaḍa trying to climb on Kumárapála’s elephant was thrown to the ground and slain. Ánáka was also pierced with arrows and the Sámbhar army was defeated and plundered of its horses.
The Dvyáśraya, probably by the aid of the author’s imagination, gives a fuller account of this war. One fact of importance recorded in the Dvyáśraya is that Ánáka though defeated was not slain, and, to bring hostilities to an end, gave his daughter Jalhaṇá to Kumárapála in marriage. The Kumárapálacharita calls the Sámbhar king Arṇorája and says that it was Kumárapála who invaded the Sámbhar territory. According to this account Kumárapála went to Chandrávatí near Ábu and taking its Paramára king Vikramasiṃha with him marched to Śákambhari or Sámbhar and fought Arṇorája who was defeated but not killed. Kumárapála threatened to cut out Arṇorája’s tongue but let him go on condition that his people wore a headdress with a tongue on each side. Arṇorája is said to have been confined in a cage for three days and then reinstalled as Kumárapála’s feudatory. Vikramasiṃha of Chandrávatí, who in the battle had sided with Arṇorája, was punished by being disgraced before the assembled seventy-two feudatories at Aṇahilaváḍa and was sent to prison, his throne being given to his nephew Yaśodhavala. After his victory over Arṇorája Kumárapála fought, defeated, and, according to the Kírtikaumudí, beheaded Ballála king of Málwa who had invaded Gujarát. The result of this contest seems to have been to reduce Málwa to its former position of dependence on the Aṇahilaváḍa kings. More than one inscription of Kumárapála’s found in the temple of Udayáditya as far north as Udayapura near Bhilsa shows that he conquered the whole of Málwa, as the inscriptions are recorded by one who calls himself Kumárapála’s general or daṇḍanáyaka.
Another of Kumárapála’s recorded victories is over Mallikárjuna said to be king of the Konkan who we know from published lists of the North Konkan Śiláháras flourished about a.d. 1160. The author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi says this war arose from a bard of king Mallikárjuna speaking of him before king Kumárapála as Rájapitámaha or grandfather of kings. Kumárapála annoyed at so arrogant a title looked around. Ámbaḍá, one of the sons of Udayana, divining the king’s meaning, raised his folded hands to his forehead and expressed his readiness to fight Mallikárjuna. The king sent him with an army which marched to the Konkan without halting. At the crossing of the Kaláviní it was met and defeated by Mallikárjuna. Ámbaḍá returned in disgrace and shrouding himself, his umbrella and his tents in crape retreated to Aṇahilaváḍa. The king finding Ámbada though humiliated ready to make a second venture gave him a larger and better appointed force. With this army Ámbaḍá again started for the Konkan, crossed the Kaláviní, attacked Mallikárjuna, and in a hand-to-hand fight
climbed his elephant and cut off his head. This head cased in gold with other trophies of the war he presented to the king on his triumphant return to Aṇahilapura. The king was greatly pleased and gave Ámbaḍá the title of Rájapitámaha. Of this Mallikárjuna two stone inscriptions have been found one at Chiplún dated a.d. 1156 (Śaka 1078) the other at Bassein dated a.d. 1160 (Śaka 1082). If the story that Mallikárjuna was slain is true the war must have taken place during the two years between a.d. 1160 and 1162 (Śaka 1082, 1084) which latter is the earliest known date of Mallikárjuna’s successor Aparáditya.
The Kumárapálacharita also records a war between Kumárapála and Samara king of Suráshṭra or south Káthiáváḍa, the Gujarát army being commanded by Kumárapála’s minister Udayana. The Prabandhachintámaṇi gives Sausara as the name of the Suráshṭra king possibly he was some Gohilvád Mehr chief. Udayana came with the army to Vadhwán, and letting it advance went to Pálitána. While he was worshipping at Pálitána, a mouse carried away the burning wick of the lamp. Reflecting on the risk of fire in a wooden temple Udayana determined to rebuild the temple of stone. In the fight with Sausara the Gujarát army was defeated and Udayana was mortally wounded. Before Udayana died he told his sons that he had meant to repair the temple of Ádíśvara on Śatruñjaya and the Śakuniká Vihára at Broach and also to build steps up the west face of Girnár. His sons Báhaḍa and Ámbaḍá promised to repair the two shrines. Subsequently both shrines were restored, Kumárapála and Hemáchárya and the council of Aṇahilapura attending at the installation of Suvṛittinátha in the Śakuniká Vihára. The Girnár steps were also cut, according to more than one inscription in a.d. 1166 (S. 1222). This war and Udayana’s death must have occurred about a.d. 1149 (S. 1205) as the temple of Ádnátha was finished in a.d. 1156–57 (S. 1211). Báhaḍa also established near Śatruñjaya a town called Báhaḍapura and adorned it with a temple called Tribhuvanapálavasati. After the fight with Sausara Kumárapála was threatened with another war by Karṇa king of Dáhala or Chedi. Spies informed the king of the impending invasion as he was starting on a pilgrimage to Somanátha. Next day he was relieved from anxiety by the news that while sleeping on an elephant at night king Karṇa’s necklace became entangled in the branch of a banyan tree, and the elephant suddenly running away, the king was strangled.
The Prabandhachintámaṇi records an expedition against Sámbhar which was entrusted to Cháhaḍa a younger brother of Báhaḍa. Though Cháhaḍa was known to be extravagant, the king liked him, and after giving him advice placed him in command. On reaching Sámbhar Cháhaḍa invested the fort of Bábránagar but did not molest the people as on that day 700 brides had to be married. Next day the fort was entered, the city was plundered, and the supremacy of Kumárapála was proclaimed. This Bábránagar has not been identified. There appears to be some confusion and the place may not be in Sámbhar but in Bábariáváḍa in Káthiáváḍa. Cháhaḍa returned triumphant to Patan. The king expressed himself pleased but blamed Cháhaḍa for his lavish expenditure and conferred on him the title of Rája-gharatta the King-grinder.
Though the Gujarát chronicles give no further details an inscription in the name of Kumárapála in a temple at Udepur near Bhilsa dated a.d. 1166 records that on Monday, Akshaya tritiyá the 3rd of Vaiśákh Sud (S. 1222), Thakkara Cháhaḍa granted half the village of Sangaváḍa in the Rangáriká district or bhukti. Just below this inscription is a second also bearing the name of Kumárapála. The year is lost. But the occasion is said to be an eclipse on Thursday the 15th of Paush Sudi when a gift was made to the god of Udayapura by Yaśodhavala the viceroy of Kumárapála.
Kumárapála, a.d. 1143–1174.Similar inscriptions of Kumárapála’s time and giving his name occur near the ruined town of Kerádu or Kiráṭa-Kúpa near Bálmer in Western Rájputána. The inscriptions show that Kumárapála had another Amátya or minister there, and that the kings of the country round Kerádu had been subject to Gujarát since the time of Siddharája Jayasiṃha. Finally the inscription of Kumárapála found by Colonel Tod in a temple of Brahma on the pinnacle of Chitoḍa fort shows that his conquests extended as far as Mewáḍa.
According to the Kumárapálachintámaṇi Kumárapála married one Padmávatí of Padmapura. The chronicler describes the city as to the west of the Indus. Perhaps the lady belonged to Padmapura, a large town in Kashmír. Considering his greatness as a king and conqueror the historical record of Kumárapála is meagre and incomplete. Materials may still come to light which will show his power to have been surprisingly widespread.
Mr. Forbes records the following Bráhmanical tradition of a Mewáḍa queen of Kumárapála, which has probably been intentionally omitted by the Jain chroniclers.
Kumárapála, says the Bráhman tradition, had wedded a Sisodaní Ráni, a daughter of the house of Mewáḍa. At the time that the sword went for her the Sisodaní heard that the Rája had made a vow that his wives should receive initiation into the Jain religion at Hemáchárya’s convent before entering the palace. The Ráni refused to start for Patan until she was satisfied she would not be called on to visit the Áchárya’s convent. Jayadeva Kumárapála’s household bard became surety and the queen consented to go to Aṇahilapura. Several days after her arrival Hemáchárya said to the Rája ‘The Sisodaní Ráni has never come to visit me.’ Kumárapála told her she must go. The Ráni refused and fell ill, and the bard’s wives went to see her. Hearing her story they disguised her as one of themselves and brought her privately home to their house. At night the bard dug a hole in the wall of the city, and taking the Ráni through the hole started with her for Mewáḍa. When Kumárapála became aware of the Ráni’s flight he set off in pursuit with two thousand horse. He came up with the fugitives about fifteen miles from the fort of Idar. The bard said to the Ráni, ‘If you can enter Idar you are safe. I have two hundred horse with me. As long as a man of us remains no one shall lay hands on you.’ So saying he turned upon his pursuers. But the Ráni’s courage failed and she slew herself in the carriage. As the fight went on and the pursuers forced their way to the carriage, the maids cried ‘Why struggle more, the Ráni is dead.’ Kumárapála and his men returned home.
The Paramára chiefs of Chandrávatí near Ábu were also feudatories of Kumárapála. It has been noted that to punish him for siding with Arṇorája of Sámbhar Kumárapála placed Vikrama Siṃha the Chandrávatí chief in confinement and set Vikrama’s
nephew Yaśodhavala on his throne. That Kumárapála conquered the chiefs of Sámbhar and Málwa is beyond question. Among his names is the proud title Avantí-nátha Lord of Málwa.
The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the following limits of Kumárapála’s sway. The Turushkas or Turks on the north; the heavenly Ganges on the east; the Vindhya mountains on the south; the Sindhu river on the west. Though in tradition Kumárapála’s name does not stand so high as a builder as the name of Siddharája Jayasiṃha he carried out several important works. The chief of these was the restoring and rebuilding of the great shrine of Someśvara or Somanátha Patan. According to the Prabandhachintámaṇi when Kumárapála asked Devasúri the teacher of Hemáchárya how best to keep his name remembered Devasúri replied: Build a new temple of Somanátha fit to last an age or yuga, instead of the wooden one which is ruined by the ocean billows. Kumárapála approved and appointed a building committee or pañchakula headed by a Bráhman named Gaṇḍa Bháva Bṛihaspati the state officer at Somanátha. At the instance of Hemáchárya the king on hearing the foundations were laid vowed until the temple was finished he would keep apart from women and would take neither flesh nor wine. In proof of his vow he poured a handful of water over Nílakaṇṭha Mahádeva, probably his own royal god. After two years the temple was completed and the flag hoisted. Hemáchárya advised the king not to break his vow until he had visited the new temple and paid his obeisance to the god. The king agreed and went to Somanátha, Hemáchárya preceding him on foot and promising to come to Somanátha after visiting Śatruñjaya and Girnár. On reaching Somanátha the king was received by Gaṇḍa-Bṛihaspati his head local officer and by the building committee, and was taken in state through the town. At the steps of the temple the king bowed his head to the ground. Under the directions of Gaṇḍa-Bṛihaspati he worshipped the god, made gifts of elephants and other costly articles including his own weight in coin, and returned to Aṇahilapura.
It is interesting to know that the present battered sea-shore temple of Somanátha, whose garbhágára or shrine has been turned into a mosque and whose spire has been shattered, is the temple of whose building and consecration the above details are preserved. This is shown by the style of the architecture and sculpture which is in complete agreement with the other buildings of the time of Kumárapála.

Kumárapála, a.d. 1143–1174.Kumárapála’s temple seems to have suffered in every subsequent Muhammadan invasion, in Alaf Khan’s in a.d. 1300, in Mozaffar’s in a.d. 1390, in Mahmúd Begada’s about a.d. 1490, and in Muzaffar II.’s about a.d. 1530. Time after time no sooner had the invader passed than the work of repair began afresh. One of the most notable restorations was by Khengár IV. (a.d. 1279–1333) a Chúḍásamá king of Junágaḍh who is mentioned in two Girnár inscriptions as the repairer of Somanátha after its desecration by Alá-ud-dín Khilji. The latest sacrilege, including the turning of the temple into a mosque, was in the time of the Ahmadábád king Muzaffar Sháh II. (a.d. 1511–1535). Since then no attempt has been made to win back the god into his old home.
In the side wall near the door of the little shrine of Bhadrakáli in Patan a broken stone inscription gives interesting details of the temple of Somanátha. Except that the right hand corners of some of the lines are broken, the inscription is clear and well preserved. It is dated a.d. 1169 (Valabhi 850). It records that the temple of the god Someśa was first of gold built by Soma; next it was of silver built by Rávana; afterwards of wood built by Kṛishṇa; and last of stone built by Bhímadeva. The next restoration was through Gaṇḍa-Bṛihaspati under Kumárapála. Of Gaṇḍa-Bṛihaspati it gives these details. He was a Kanyákubja or Kanoj Bráhman of the Páśupata school, a teacher of the Málwa kings, and a friend of Siddharája Jayasiṃha. He repaired several other temples and founded several other religious buildings in Somanátha. He also repaired the temple of Kedáreśvara in Kumaon on learning that the Khaśa king of that country had allowed it to fall into disrepair. After the time of Kumárapála the descendants of Gaṇḍa-Bṛihaspati remained in religious authority in Somanátha.
Kumárapála made many Jain benefactions. He repaired the temple of Ságala-Vasahiká at Stambha-tírtha or Cambay where Hemáchárya received his initiation or díkshá. In honour of the lady who gave him barley flour and curds he built a temple called the Karambaka-Vihára in Patan. He also built in Patan a temple called the Mouse or Mushaka-Vihára to free himself from the impurity caused by killing a mouse while digging for treasure. At Dhandhuka Hemáchárya’s birthplace a temple called the Jholiká-Vihára or cradle temple was built. Besides these Kumárapála is credited with building 1444 temples.
Though Kumárapála was not a learned man, his ministers were men of learning, and he continued the practice of keeping at his court scholars especially Sanskrit poets. Two of his leading Pandits were Rámachandra and Udayachandra both of them Jains. Rámachandra is often mentioned in Gujaráti literature and appears to have been a great scholar. He was the author of a book called the Hundred Accounts or Prabandhaśata. After Udayana’s death Kumárapála’s chief minister was Kapardi a man of learning skilled in Sanskrit poetry. And all through his reign his principal was Hemachandra or Hemáchárya probably the most learned man of his time. Though Hemáchárya lived during the reigns both of Siddharája and of Kumárapála, only under Kumárapála did he enjoy political power as the king’s companion and religious adviser. What record remains of the early Solaṅkis is chiefly due to Hemachandra.
The Jain life of Hemáchárya abounds in wonders. Apart from the magic and mystic elements the chief details are: Cháchiga a Modh Vánia of Dhandhuka in the district of Ardháshṭama had by his wife Páhiní of the Chámuṇḍa gotra, a boy named Chángodeva who was born a.d. 1089 (Kartik fullmoon Saṃvat 1145). A Jain priest named Devachandra Áchárya (a.d. 1078–1170; S. 1134–1226) came from Patan to Dhandhuka and when in Dhandhuka went to pay his obeisance at the Modh Vasahiká. While Devachandra was seated Chángodeva came playing with other boys and went and sat beside the áchárya. Struck with the boy’s audacity and good looks the áchárya went with the council of the village to Cháchiga’s house. Cháchiga was absent but his wife being a Jain received the áchárya with respect. When she heard that her son was wanted by the council, without waiting to consult her husband, she handed the boy to the áchárya who carried him off to Karṇávatí and kept him there with the sons of the minister Udayana. Cháchiga, disconsolate at the loss of his son, went in quest of him vowing to eat nothing till the boy was found. He came to Karṇávatí and in an angry mood called on the áchárya to restore him his son. Udayana was asked to interfere and at last persuaded Cháchiga to let the boy stay with Devachandra.
In a.d. 1097, when Chángodeva was eight years old Cháchiga celebrated his son’s consecration or díkshá and gave him the name of Somachandra. As the boy became extremely learned Devachandra changed his name to Hemachandra the Moon of gold. In a.d. 1110 (S. 1166) at the age of 21, his mastery of all the Śástras and Siddhántas was rewarded by the dignity of Súri or sage. Siddharája was struck with his conversation and honoured him as a man of learning. Hemachandra’s knowledge, wisdom and tact enabled him to adhere openly to his Jain rules and beliefs though Siddharája’s dislike of Jain practices was so great as at times to amount to insult. After one of their quarrels Hemáchárya kept away from the king for two or three days. Then the king seeing his humility and his devotion to his faith repented and apologised. The two went together to Somanátha Patan and there Hemáchárya paid his obeisance to the liṅga in a way that did not offend his own faith. During Siddharája’s reign Hemáchárya wrote his well known grammar with aphorisms or sútras and commentary or vṛitti called Siddha-Hemachandra, a title compounded of the king’s name and his own. As the Bráhmans found fault with the absence of any detailed references to the king in the work added one verse at the end of each chapter in praise of the king. During Siddharája’s reign he also wrote two other works, the Haimínámamálá, “String of Names composed by Hema(chandra)” or Abhidhánachintámaṇi and the Anekárthanámamálá, a Collection of words of more than one meaning. He also began the Dvyáśrayakosha or Double Dictionary being both a grammar and a history. In spite of his value to Kumárapála, in the beginning of Kumárapála’s reign Hemáchárya was not honoured as a spiritual guide and had to remain subordinate to Bráhmans. When Kumárapála asked him what was the most important religious work he could perform Hemáchárya advised the restoring of the temple of Somanátha. Still Hemáchárya so far won the king to his own faith that till the completion of the temple he succeeded in persuading the king to take the vow of ahiṁsá or non-killing which though common to both faiths is a specially Jain observance. Seeing this mark of his ascendancy over the king, the king’s family priest and other Bráhmans began to envy and thwart Hemáchárya. On the completion of the temple, when the king was starting for Somanátha for the installation ceremony, the Bráhmans told him that Hemáchárya did not mean to go with him. Hemáchárya who had heard of the plot had already accepted the invitation. He said being a recluse he must go on foot, and that he also wanted to visit Girnár, and from Girnár would join the king at Somanátha. His object was to avoid travelling in a palanquin with the king or suffering a repetition of Siddharája’s insult for not accepting a pálkí. Soon after reaching Somanátha Kumárapála asked after Hemáchárya. The Bráhmans spread a story that he had been drowned, but Hemáchárya was careful to appear in the temple as the king reached it. The king saw him, called him, and took him with him to the temple. Some Bráhmans told the king that the Jain priest would not pay any obeisance to Śiva, but Hemáchárya saluted the god in the following verse in which was nothing contrary to strict Jainism: ‘Salutation to him, whether he be Brahma, Vishṇu, Hara, or Jina, from whom have fled desires which produce the sprouts of the seed of worldliness.’ After this joint visit to Somanátha Hemachandra gained still more ascendancy over the king, who appreciated his calmness of mind and his forbearance. The Bráhmans tried to prevent the growth of his influence, but in the end Hemachandra overcame them. He induced the king to place in the sight of his Bráhmanical family priests an image of Śántinátha Tírthaṅkara among his family gods. He afterwards persuaded Kumárapála publicly to adopt the Jain faith by going to the hermitage of Hemachandra and giving numerous presents to Jain ascetics. Finally under his influence Kumárapála put away all Bráhmanical images from his family place of worship. Having gone such lengths Kumárapála began to punish the Bráhmans who insulted Hemachandra. A Bráhman named Vámaráśi, a Pandit at the royal court, who composed a verse insulting Hemachandra, lost his annuity and was reduced to beggary, but on apologising to Hemachandra the annuity was restored. Another Bráhmanical officer named Bháva Bṛihaspati, who was stationed at Somanátha, was re-called for insulting Hemachandra. But he too on apologising to Hemachandra was restored to Somanátha. Under Hemachandra’s influence Kumárapála gave up the use of flesh and wine, ceased to take pleasure in the chase, and by beat of drum forbade throughout his kingdom the taking of animal life. He withdrew their licenses from hunters, fowlers and fishermen, and forced them to adopt other callings. To what lengths this dread of life-taking was carried appears from an order that only filtered water was to be given to all animals employed in the royal army. Among the stories told of the king’s zeal for life-saving is one of a Bania of Sámbhar who having been caught killing a louse was brought in chains to Aṇahilaváḍa, and had his property confiscated and devoted to the building at Aṇahilaváḍa of a Louse Temple or Yúká-Vihára. According to another story a man of Nador in Márwár was put to death by Kelhana the chief of Nador to appease Kumárapála’s wrath at hearing that the man’s wife had offered flesh to a field-god or kshetrapála. Hemachandra also induced the king to forego the claim of the state to the property of those who died without a son.
During Kumárapála’s reign Hemachandra wrote many well known Sanskrit and Prakrit works on literature and religion. Among these are the Adhyátmopanishad or Yogaśástra a work of 12,000 verses in twelve chapters called Prakáśas, the Trisáshṭhisálákápurushacharitra or lives of sixty-three Jain saints of the Utsarpiní and Avasarpiní ages; the Pariśishṭaparvan, a work of 3500 verses being the life of Jain Sthaviras who flourished after Mahávíra; the Prákṛita Śabdánuśásana or Prákrit grammar; the Dvyáśrayaa Prakrit poem written with the double object of teaching grammar and of giving the history of Kumárapála; the Chhandonuśásana a work of about 6000 verses on prosody; the Liṅgánuśásana a work on genders; the Deśínámamálá in Prakrit with a commentary a work on local and provincial words; and the Alaṅkárachúḍámaṇi a work on rhetoric. Hemachandra died in a.d. 1172 (S. 1229) at the age of 84. The king greatly mourned his loss and marked his brow with Hemachandra’s ashes. Such crowds came to share in the ashes of the pyre that the ground was hollowed into a pit known as the Haima-Khadda or Hema’s Pit.
Kumárapála lived to a great age. According to the author of the Prabandhachintámaṇi he was fifty when he succeeded to throne, and after ruling about thirty-one years died in a.d. 1174 (S. 1230). He is said to have died of lúta a form of leprosy. Another story given by the Kumárapálaprabandha is that Kumárapála was imprisoned by his nephew and successor Ajayapála. The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the exact length of Kumárapála’s reign at 30 years 8 months and 27 days. If the beginning of Kumárapála’s reign is placed at the 4th Magsar Sud Saṃvat 1299, the date of the close, taking the year to begin in Kártika, would be Bhádrapada Śuddha Saṃvat 1229. If with Gujarát almanacs the year is taken to begin in Ásháḍha, the date of the close of the reign would be Bhádrapada of Saṃvat 1230. It is doubtful whether either Saṃvat 1229 or 1230 is the correct year, as an inscription dated Saṃvat 1229 Vaishákha Śuddha 3rd at Udayapura near Bhilsá describes Ajayapála Kumárapála’s successor as reigning at Aṇahilapura. This would place Kumárapála’s death before the month of Vaishákha 1229 that is in a.d. 1173.

Ajayapála, a.d. 1174–1177.

Ajayapala succeeded Kumarapala on the Chaulukya throne.According to Surathotsava written by the poet Someshvara, Ajayapala was a son of Kumarapala. Someshvara was a contemporary of Ajayapala’s son Bhima II (and probably Ajayapala). However, some later Jain writers describe Ajayapala as a nephew of Kumarapala and a son of Mahipala. The earliest of these is Abhayatilaka Gani, who wrote a commentary on Hemachandra’s Dvyashraya in 13th century.The 14th century chronicler Merutunga also repeats this claim in his Theravali, but describes Ajayapala as a son of Kumarapala in his Prabandha-Chintamani.The later Jain chroniclers such as Jayasimha Suri, Rajashekhara and Jinamandana repeat the claim that Ajayapala was a nephew of Kumarapal.
It seems more likely that Ajayapala was a son of Kumarapala. The later Jain writers probably branded him as a nephew of Kumarapala and portrayed him negatively, because he did not patronize the Jain faith.
The later Jain chroniclers claim that Ajayapala killed Kumarapala to gain the throne. According to Jayasimha Suri’s account, Kumarapala wanted to appoint either his nephew Ajayapala or his grandson Pratapamalla as his successor. He sought advice from his preceptor, the Jain leader Hemachandra. Hemachandra told Kumarapala that Ajayapala was not fit to be a king, and recommended Pratapamalla instead. Balachandra, a wicked disciple of Hemachandra and a friend of Ajayapala, overheard this conversation. He informed Ajayapala, who promised to make him the royal preceptor upon becoming the king. After Hemachandra’s death, Kumarapala fell ill with grief. Ajayapala mixed poison in his milk, and hid the only known antidote. Kumarapala died of poisoning, and Ajayapala succeeded him. This legend has been repeated by other chroniclers such as Rajashekhara and Jinamandana with minor variations.
This account does not appear to be true, as it has not been mentioned in the writings on the earlier Jain chroniclers, such as Prabhachandra and Merutunga. The later chroniclers seem to have invented these stories to portray Ajayapala in negative light, as he did not patronize Jainism.
Ajayapala seems to have retained the territory he inherited from Kumarapala. This included Malwa, as attested by an inscription found at Udaipur, Madhya Pradesh
According to one theory, Ajayapala subdued a Shakambhari Chahamana ruler of Sapadalaksha, possibly Someshvara. This is suggested by the epithet Karadikrita-Sapadalaksha-Kshmapala, which has been bestowed upon him in the copper-plate inscriptions of his son Bhima. The 13th century text Kirti-Kaumudi states that the king of Jangala-desha (that is, Sapadalaksha) had to give a gold pavilion and some elephants to Ajayapala as a punishment. Another writer Arisimha states that the king of Sapadalaksha sent a silver pavilion to Ajayapala. The chronicler Balachandra states that the king of Jangala used to send gifts to Ajayapala.
Based on these statements, historians Asoke Majumdar and Dasharatha Sharma theorize that Ajayapala defeated Someshvara, and extracted tribute from him. Historian R. B. Singh, on the other hand, theorizes that the supposed ‘tribute’ was merely a gift sent by Someshvara to Ajayapala’s on latter’s ascension to the throne; the event was exaggerated into a claim of victory by the Gujarat poets. To support his theory, Singh argues that the Chaulukya power had weakened considerably after Kumarapala’s death, and they could not have subdued the powerful Chahamanas at this time.
Ajayapala fought a war against Samantasimha, the Guhila ruler of Medapata (modern Mewar). The Guhilas had been subdued by the Chaulukyas in the preceding years, and Samantasimha appears to have made an attempt to throw off the Chaulukya suzerainty. It appears that Samantasimha achieved some success against Ajayapala, but was ultimately defeated by Ajayapala’s feudatory Prahladana, the Paramara chief of Abu. This is suggested by the 1231 CE Abu prashasti inscription, which states that Prahladana defended the Gurjara Pratihara king (that is, Ajayapala) after Samantasimha had broken the king’s power on the battlefield.
The text Sukrita-Kirti-Kallolini mentions an incident in which Ajayapala narrowly defeated an enemy king. This is probably a reference to his conflict with Samantasimha.
Ajayapala died in 1175 CE, sometime between 25 March and 7 April. The 14th century chronicler Merutunga states that a Pratihara named Vayajaladeva stabbed Ajayapala to death. The accuracy of this claim is doubtful, as Merutunga’s account of Ajayapala is generally unreliable.
Mularaja II, the son of Ajayapala and Naikidevi, succeeded him on the Chaulukya throne. After Mularaja’s death, Ajayapala’s younger son Bhima II ascended the throne.


Múlarája II., a.d. 1177–1179.

Ajayapála was succeeded by his son Múlarája II. also called Bála Múlarája as he was only a boy when installed. His mother was Náikídeví the daughter of Paramardi, apparently the Kádamba king Permádi or Śiva Chitta who reigned from a.d. 1147 to 1175 (S. 1203–1231). The authors of the Kírtikaumudí and the Sukṛitasankírtana say that even in childhood Múlarája II. dispersed the Turushka or Muhammadan army. The Prabandhachintámaṇi states that the king’s mother fought at the Gádaráraghatta and that her victory was due to a sudden fall of rain. Múlarája II. is said to have died in a.d. 1179 (S. 1235) after a reign of two years.

Bhíma II. a.d. 1179–1242.
Múlarája II. was succeeded by Bhíma II. The relationship of the two is not clearly established. Mr. Forbes makes Bhíma the younger brother of Ajayapála. But it appears from the Kírtikaumudí and the Sukṛitasankírtana that Bhíma was the younger brother of Múlarája. The Sukṛitasankírtana after concluding the account of Múlarája, calls Bhíma ‘asya bandhu’ ‘his brother,’ and the Kírtikaumudí, after mentioning the death of Múlarája, says that Bhíma his younger brother ‘anujanmásya’ became king. Múlarája we know came to the throne as a child. Of Bhíma also the Kírtikaumudí says that he came to the throne while still in his childhood, and this agrees with the statements that he was the younger brother of Múlarája. Bhíma probably came to the throne a.d. 1178 (S. 1234). There is no doubt he was reigning in a.d. 1179 (S. 1235), as an inscription in the deserted village of Kerálu near Bálmer of Aṇahilaváḍa dated a.d. 1179 (S. 1235) states that it was written ‘in the triumphant reign of the illustrious Bhímadeva.’ A further proof of his reigning in a.d. 1179 (S. 1235) and of his being a minor at that time is given in the following passage from the Tabakát-i-Násirí: In a.d. 1178 (Hijri 574) the Ráí of Nahrwálá Bhímdeo, was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day of battle the Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled to retreat. Merutuṇga says that Bhíma reigned from a.d. 1179 (S. 1235) for sixty-three years that is up to a.d. 1242 (S. 1298), and this is borne out by a copperplate of Bhíma which bears date a.d. 1240 .
Bhíma was nicknamed Bholo the Simpleton. The chroniclers of this period mention only the Vághelás and almost pass over Bhíma. The author of the Kírtikaumudí says ‘the kingdom of the young ruler was gradually divided among powerful ministers and provincial chiefs’; and according to the Sukṛitasankírtana ‘Bhíma felt great anxiety on account of the chiefs who had forcibly eaten away portions of the kingdom.’ It appears that during the minority, when the central authority was weak, the kingdom was divided among nobles and feudatories, and that Bhíma proved too weak a ruler to restore the kingly power. Manuscripts and copperplates show that Bhímadeva was ruling at Aṇahilaváḍa in S. 1247, 1251, 1261, 1263, and 1264, and copperplates dated S. 1283, 1288, 1295, and 1296 have also been found. Though Bhíma in name enjoyed a long unbroken reign the verses quoted above show that power rested not with the king but with the nobles. It appears from an inscription that in a.d. 1224 (S. 1280) a Chálukya noble named Jayantasiṃha was supreme at Aṇahilaváḍa though he mentions Bhíma and his predecessors with honour and respect.
It was probably by aiding Bhíma against Jayantasiṃha that the Vághelás rose to power. According to the chroniclers the Vághelás succeeded in the natural course of things. According to the Sukṛitasankírtana Kumárapála appeared to his grandson Bhíma and directed him to appoint as his heir-apparent Víradhavala son of Lavaṇaprasáda and grandson of Arṇorája the son of Dhavala king of Bhimapalli. Next day in court, in the presence of his nobles, when Lavaṇaprasáda and Víradhavala entered the king said Lavaṇaprasáda: Your father Arṇorája seated me on the throne: you should therefore uphold my power: in return I will name your son Víradhavala my heir-apparent.The author of the Kírtikaumudí notes that Arṇorája son of Dhavala, opposing the revolution against Bhíma, cleared the kingdom of enemies, but at the cost of his own life. The author then describes Lavaṇaprasáda and Víradhavala as kings. But as he gives no account of their rise to supremacy, it seems probable that they usurped the actual power from Bhíma though till a.d. 1242 (S. 1295) Bhíma continued to be nominal sovereign.
Bhīma’s queen was Líládeví the daughter of a Chohán chief named Samarasiṃha.

Tribhuvanapala (c. 1240 – c. 1244)

Tribhuvanapala succeeded Bhima II as the Chaulukya king. He is known from a 1242-43 CE Kadi inscription, some pattavalis, and the prologue of a drama. The chronicles about the dynasty do not mention him
Tribhuvanapala’s relationship to Bhima is not certain, although the various records suggest that he was the legal heir to the throne. His inscription states that he meditated at the feet of Bhima (a conventional way to describe a rightful heir). The inscriber of his inscription was Somasimha, and its drafter (dutaka) was Vayajaladeva: both these persons also worked on the grant inscriptions of Bhima. Tribhuvanapala’s inscription records a grant to Vedagarbharashi, who had been appointed as a trustee of a Shaivite monastery by Bhima. Thus, Tribhuvanapala appears to have been a legitimate successor.
The prologue of Subhata’s Sanskrit play Dutangada states that the play was composed by the order of the parishad (council) of Maharajadhiraja Tribhuvanapala. The occasion was a spring festival procession of Kumarapaleshvara (“Lord of Kumarapala”) at Devapattana (modern Prabhas Patan or Somnath). The festival was probably held to celebrate the restoration of a Shiva temple commissioned by the earlier king Kumarapala. According to one record, a ruler called Tribhuvana-Ranaka killed Bala, a general of the Guhila ruler Jaitrasimha, who was trying to recapture Kottadaka (modern Kotada). This Tribhuvana-Ranaka is identified with Tribhuvanapala. The Chaulukya dynasty ended with Tribhuvanapala. The Vaghela generals Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala had become powerful during the reign of his predecessor Bhima II. Viradhavala’s son Visaladeva became the next king after Tribhuvanapala’s death.One theory is that the Vaghelas forcibly dethroned Tribhuvanapala. However, it is also possible that Tribhuvanapala died heirless, because of which the Vaghelas assumed the control of the kingdom.